Crime and Individual Choice Essay

Crime is a common phenomenon. Huge investments of any government go towards the containment and apprehension of crime offenders. The more crime acquires various forms and becomes prevalent, the more studies and theories are brought out to analyze the causes and motivations. A look at Australia in the recent past indicates public outcry over increased incidences of crime, although incidences of organized crime are becoming rare, the same cannot be said of petty thefts. Criminologists have over the years stepped up their efforts in examining the motivations of crime. This is an issue that sparks controversy as some sociologists blame it on the society, pointing out that it is the prevalent circumstances in the society that are behind crime. In the light of this row, this paper maintains that crime is as a result of individual choices rather that the prevalent social circumstances. A study of the possible causes of crime is core to understanding crime, the information generated is crucial as afar as government’s response and approaches to fighting crime is concerned. A dearth of information on such a common problem means that law enforcement agencies spend valuable resources and time on addressing the symptoms rather than the causes. It is this fact that motivates criminologists to dig out the real causes of crime. Economists traditionally have not been involved in the analysis of crime, the issue of causes and prevention was seen as being outside the realm of economics. It was seen as a preserve of sociologists and criminologists. This however changed in the late 1960s when economists brought in an argument that represented a radical paradigm shift from afore recognized sociological and criminological theories. They deviated from the societal foundations of the motivation of crime to a more individualized approach. A good theory of crime according to Becker (1968) has to â€Å"dispense with special theories of anomie, psychological inadequacies or inheritance of special traits and simply extend the economist’s usual analysis of choice. † The economic theory of crime focuses on the aspect of an individual’s rational choice as the key motivation behind crime. This is a theory that is based on the assumption that each and every individual engages in crime in their bid to increase their utility. Crime should be regarded as a venture; it is an enterprise which an individual engages in with an intention of gaining something just like in business. This hence means that any one can become a criminal, there is no particular group that is inherently criminal, it is just that people tend to move in and out of crime when there is an opportunity and there are ample conditions for a crime. Just like in business ventures, a potential criminal takes time to plan his activities and also makes decision in regard to the amount of time to be appropriated in each activity so as to maximize the gains. In making a decision of whether or not to engage in crime, an individual takes into account all the possible benefits and also the likely costs. People engage in criminal activities not because they have some natural or psychological motivations but because they have amply taken into consideration the perceived benefits and costs. This means that a certain crime will not be committed if the costs exceed the benefits. In such a case hence it is possible to see a particular crime being the most preferred in comparison to another due to the net benefits associated with that crime. Indeed crime is driven by the resultant benefits and decreased if the punishment meted out is harsh in comparison to the crime. According to the economic theory, â€Å"an increase in the probability and/or severity of punishment (representing costs of criminal behavior) will reduce the potential criminal’s participation in illegitimate activities. † (Philip & Cameron) This is what motivates the deterrence theory. It is important to point out that the issue of costs and benefits must be carefully analyzed, the cost does not only revolve around the aspect of incarceration but also encompasses the social cost, this applies even to the perceived benefits. A rational individual wishing to engage in crime hence puts into consideration all these factors and weighs his options, his decision and choice is influenced by the resultant weight, either towards the benefits or towards the costs. If the costs outweigh the benefits, the individuals is unlikely to engage in the crime; the vice versa is also true (Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1990). The Rational Choice Theory, on which the economics theory is founded, is derived from the utilitarian belief that indeed human beings are rational; their decisions are independently influenced by the factors of costs and benefits. In the propagation of this theory, several assumptions are made. There is the assumption that people are driven by utility; they are motivated by the urge to increase their happiness which mostly is in terms of wealth. they also are supposed to have goals and they pick the choice that enables them to accomplish such goals. The theory of rational choice can be traced to the early works of Cesare Beccaria who set out to explain crime using the enlightment ideas. According to Cessare, â€Å"people want to experience pleasure and avoid pain, and while criminal acts can bring pleasure of various sorts, possible punishment can bring pain. † (Laura, 2007, 231) This is a theory that has immensely been used in the justice system; it is based on the thinking that for crime to be prevented, punishment must outweigh the benefits of the crime. This is because if the pain is less than the benefits, then there is no motivation to quit crime. Bentham also was in agreement over the aspect of crime boiling down to individual choice, and influenced by the perceived benefits. He noted that â€Å"the profit of the crime is the force which urges a man to delinquency. The pain of the punishment is the force employed to restrain him from it. If the first of these forces is greater, the crime will be committed; if the second, the crime will not be committed. † (Cited in Maurice, 1993, 311) An important aspect that has to be looked at is why some people or groups show a higher prevalence to crime. Indeed, people can not have a similar response to crime. This is so as people have individual differences that affect their preferences. There are those that may prefer honesty, have a higher income and hence value their reputation. The perceived gains and costs are also regarded differently. The prospects of experiencing a certain level of pain might be motivating enough to some people to avoid crime. The decision to engage in one sort of crime and avoid others also follows a similar pattern. It is influenced by opportunity, available information, costs and benefits (Loftin, & McDowell, 1982). The view that crime is influenced by rational individual choices has most often than not been put into disrepute by a flurry of other available studies done on the subject. A majority of the existing studies are influenced by the social conditions and environment rather than the individual choice. One of the existing schools of thought that points at the relationship between social factors and crime is the positivist school of thought. According to this thinking, crime and criminality is influence by internal and external factors that are beyond the control of an individual. The answer to criminality lies in the biological, psychological and social foundations. Those that propagate the thinking that crime can be explained by physiological factors do it on the basis that those individuals that have a higher affinity towards crime tend to have some specific physiological traits. This thinking influenced the thought that crime is a natural trait and hence cannot be individually controlled. Some individuals are born criminals and they cannot change this. It is this argument of inherent criminality that was used to fuel the arguments behind the abolishment of capital punishment, on the basis that criminals were being punished for things they had no control on. There is also the thinking that crime can be closely linked to neuroticism and psychotism. In this, crime is seen as a mental disease where the criminal develops a psychotic compulsion to engage in crime. The prevalent theory that challenges the aspect of individual choice in crime is the sociological positivism. This is a theory that traces crime to societal factors such as poverty, subcultures and lack of education. The social disorganization theory for example has been able to establish a positive link between the collapse of important social institutions and crime. The society is held together by institutions such as religion and also the justice system. The collapse of these core institutions contributes to an increase in crime. Poverty and lack of economic development fuels an increase in crime. As the theory claims, places that are characterized by neighborhoods with high population and failed social structure record high instances of crime compared to others. Poverty leads to social disorder and is characterized by physical evidences of collapsed buildings and deteriorating neighborhoods. This leads to what has been referred to as the deterioration concentration effects. Such neighborhoods attract crime (Maurice, 1993). It is important to observe that social factors can indeed fuel crime. There exist immense studies that have focused on crime and ethnicity and have come to conclude that there are certain social conditions that influence such communities to commit crime. Poverty has been pointed out as one of the leading factor, where people resort to crime as a means of acquiring wealth and prosperity. This however does not mean that the role of an individual in making such a choice diminishes. People are influenced by their own rational choice to engage in crime, in consideration of the existing benefits and costs of such a crime, should the cost override the benefits; then crime is reduced. References Maurice P. F. (1993) The psychology of crime: a social science textbook. Cambridge University Press. Laura L. F. (2007) Encyclopedia of juvenile violence. Greenwood Publishing Group. Brantingham, P. J. & Brantingham, P. L. (1991). Environmental criminology. Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland Press. Gottfredson, M. , T. Hirschi (1990). A General Theory of Crime. Stanford University Press. Becker, G. S. (1968) Crime and punishment: an economic approach. Journal of Political Economy, Loftin, C. and McDowell, D. (1982) The police, crime and economic theory. American. Sociological Review Philip M. B & Cameron M. Crime, punishment and deterrence in Australia: A further empirical investigation. International Journal of Social Economics retrieved on April 28, 2009 from http://www. uq. edu. au/~ecpbodma/ijse. pdf.

Policy Topic Search and Selection Essay

Policies are everywhere, and have to be followed by all for success. If they are not followed, consequences can occur, which are mostly negative. Policies are also set to ensure the organization’s rules are being followed. Health policy is a statement of a decision regarding goals in health care, and the plan for achieving these goals. Health policy is also known as a field of study and practice where priorities and values dealing with health resource allocation are determined (â€Å"Health Policy,† 2014). In this paper, Women’s Health Policy in regard to the Affordable Care Act will be discussed. The paper will also provide a quick summary of women’s health and the stakeholders affected. Let us begin with the definition of women’s health. Women’s Health Care Women’s health care is hard to define because it is so complex. Women’s health not only deals with adult women, it also deals with young girls and teenagers. If put into words, women’s health care would be defined as the physical and emotional care a woman needs to ensure she has the best quality of life possible. Women’s health care is a new arena in health care that must be clearly stated in the future to improve the health of a population (South Carolina Department of Health, 2013). This is important because women are the child bearers, and the advancement in women’s health care prevents and reduces the burden of illness or disability that affects women at each stage of life, and ultimately improves women health in the United States across the lifespan. Women’s Health Care with the Affordable Care Act Women’s, who includes young and teenage girls are the stakeholders affected by this policy. The Affordable Care Act (ACA) included several measures that are changing the profile of women’s coverage as the law is implemented. In regards to women, the implementation of the ACA will allow 2. 4 million women be insured. For women, the ACA includes caps on out-of pocket spending for certain low-income individuals and coverage for many preventive services without cost-sharing. There are a lot of improvements to the coverage for women because of the ACA implementation. The biggest improvement is that insurance plans were mandated to cover essential benefits like outpatient and hospitalization care, maternity care, and prescription drugs. Along with the essential benefits, the plans have to cover preventive services and vaccines for women; without any co-payments or other cost sharing. Those services are pap smears, mammograms, bone density tests, and HPV vaccine. As of August 2012, plans also have to cover contraceptives as prescribed by a provider, breastfeeding supplies and supports such as breast pumps, screening for domestic violence, well woman visits, and several counseling and screening services (â€Å"Women’s Health Insurance Coverage,† 2013). Even though the changes because of the ACA are extensive, they are needed to ensure women’s health care is at an optimal level because they are the catalyst by which our next generation is born. If this is done correctly and plans follow, the ACA will shape access to coverage and care for millions of women across the nation for years to come.

China Social Relations and Public Life Under Mao Zedong and Deng Essay

China Social Relations and Public Life Under Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping - Essay Example Moreover, the strategy was to open China to the rest of the world through the adoption of various reconstruction policies. Moreover, Deng Xiaoping in the second half of 20th century put various policies that saw China become an economic hub and one of the main contributors in global economy. Consequently, China is now posing a great challenge to major economies of the world and the already existing superpowers. A China foreign relation has changed tremendously since 1949. This was to ensure the issue of national interest prevails and to safeguard its diplomacy status. Both Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping were part of these foreign changes and important symbols of Chinese history at this period. The history of republic of China can be divided into reign of Mao Zedong (1949-1976) and the reign of Deng Xiaoping (1978-1997) (Hephaestus Books 80-84). This paper seeks to compare and contrast China’s social relations and public life under Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping. Under the leadersh ip of Mao, China saw a change in foreign relations strategies. Mao foreign strategies were mostly to safeguard the security interest of the people republic of China. Moreover, Mao ensured that there was protection of China’s state sovereignty and its territory from countries surrounding it especially Japan. Mao foreign strategies can therefore, be summarized as a means of survival and security maintenance (Slavicek 28-35). However, in Deng Xiaoping’s era the strategies adopted by Mao changed significantly. In his reign, the priorities of foreign relations changed significantly. Consequently, Deng purpose was to ensure there was international sobriety so as modernization could be achieved in the republic of China. Moreover, Deng fought for the founding of the latest worldwide political and economic systems. Deng issues of modernization were aimed at overseeing China unification through the return of Taiwan, resistance of hegemonies and ensure sustenance of world peace. Furthermore, economic construction was the underlying factor of these set goals (Kau and Marsh 337-345). In addition, Mao foreign relations strategies were based on war and revolutions. In contrast, theme of peace and development strategies characterized Deng era. Mao was generally influenced by a protracted revolutionary war in establishing communism in China. Mao Zedong take on China was that it was a revolutionary country and therefore could support revolution in other parts of the world. Mao believed that world could only be shaped through revolution (Slavicek 56-60). However, there was a change in this policy during Deng’s era. Deng advocated for peace and had a notion that world war could be belated and avoided. Deng also believed that world status could only be achieved through peace and developments (Kau and Marsh 75). In addition, under the leadership of Mao, foreign relations were achieved through the perspective of an international united front. This was one of the three factors instituted under the communist revolution and regime of Mao Zedong. The unitary system was to ensure there was success in fighting a common enemy and therefore, involved forming allies with friendly nations (Slavicek 72). However, in the era of Deng Xiaoping, the issue of alliance was dropped from the policies and autonomy and non-alliance was part of this administration. Under Deng, China’s relation with two superpowers became minimal and fought to have an edge in the global arena. There was no formal recognition of any

Sexual Exploitation by Child Molesters Coursework

Sexual Exploitation by Child Molesters - Coursework Example This is very significant because in most of the cases, relatives of children or family friends, rather than strangers, are the perpetrators of such molestations. Thus, basically, there exists the need for a system to create awareness in parents as well as children about different ways and means in which child molesters win the trust of children and then groom them, to subsequently establish sexual relationship with them. On the other hand, the parents of victimized children undergo a lot of mental agony and, more often than not, become subjects of social stigma. They also need intervention to help them overcome the trauma and associated difficulties in dealing with the problems. Besides, such parents will also require intervention in â€Å"addressing their children’s behavior difficulties† (Lev-Wiesel, 2008, p.667). In this context, an essential intervention is to provide them training in â€Å"child behavior management strategies† as well as appropriate communic ation techniques so that possibilities can be developed for creating â€Å"opportunities for therapeutic discussions regarding the abuse† (p.667).

Critique of Clinical Skill Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Critique of Clinical Skill - Essay Example Critical appraisal is a systematic process utilized to identify research strengths and weaknesses inherent in a research article. This is done with an aim of assessing the validity, reliability and usefulness of research findings. The primary components of critical appraisal include the evaluation of the study design’s appropriateness for the research questions used, and the careful assessment of key methodological design features. Other factors that should be taken into consideration while critically appraising an article are such as the examination of the suitability of the statistical methods used to analyze data, potential conflict of interest and the research relevance to an individual practice. Thus, the purpose of this paper is to appraise the below named article on wound management. Article: Annells, M., O’Neill, J., & Flowers, C. (2008). Compression bandaging for venous leg ulcers: the essentialness of a willing Patient. Journal of Clinical Nursing, 17(3), 350- 359.doi 10.1111/j. 1365-2702.2007.01996.x Analyzing whether the Research Study Questions Are Relevant A research can be of the highest methodological rigor but it may be of little value if it does not address a significant topic or add value to the already existing knowledge about the subject under discussion (Mays & Pope, 2000). The article sought to find answers to the following question â€Å"why do or why don’t district nurses use compression bandaging as a component of the management of venous leg ulcers?† The aim of the study was to help identify both constraints and enablers. The research question is relevant because it seeks to explain why some and not all nurses utilize compression management to manage venous leg ulcers. In addition to that, the study findings contribute to the existing knowledge because less has been documented as to why compression bandaging is not often used by district nurses in the treatment of venous leg ulcers. Furthermore, the research question is relevant to the clinical practice. As a result of the study, factors that might constrain the willingness of the patient to apply compression bandaging in the treatment and maintenance of the venous leg ulcer were identified. Then, the actions that need to be performed to facilitate patient willingness were recommended. Does the Study Add Anything New? Any scientific research aims at developing new knowledge and ideas on the basis of work done previously (Hawking, 2003). As a result of this particular research, district nurses were made aware of the significance of evidence-based practice. Proper understanding of the findings of the study will support the planning carried out by the district nursing organization. As a result, there will be an improvement in the rate of appropriate use of compression bandage on venous leg ulcers. The increased use will be facilitated via the provision of relevant resources and the needed education. Moreover, the research findings will up date nurses on how to appropriately asses venous leg ulcer patients. Similarly, the nurses are able to plan and implement strategies for best practice care which is sustainable and patient driven. The research adds new knowledge to the work done previously. The Type of Questions Posed By the Study The most significant task of critical appraisal is the identification of the specific research questions being addressed by the article.

Fahrenheit 451 is a comment on modern technology Essay

Fahrenheit 451 is a comment on modern technology - Essay Example The firemen in the novel are government employees who burn and destroy books (Beley 146). The story revolves around Montag’s struggle to appease his frustration for the conformist society he is part of and to resist the book-burning totalitarian regime (Monahan 54). One of the messages the author gives across is that the people are responsible themselves for the sorry state for affairs that they are in. Bradbury supports the idea that men should be self-thinkers and be able to understand what constitutes right and wrong rather than letting the government do the decision-making. He argues that this can be achieved by perusing of erudite texts that reflect upon the mistakes of the past and provide critical analysis of the different aspects of life like religion, politics etc. The author believes that the great value of books in our lives is to promote independent thinking and free thought (Piddock 66). The novel is a comment on modern technology. This notion is exemplified frequently at several places in the novel. One of the main ideologies of the book is that technology deprives individuals from indulging in activities like literary discourse, the thought process of reflection and promotion of individual consciousness. Bradbury has acutely portrayed a society that does not appreciate the worth of books. Firemen are actually book-burners, illustrating how technology has replaced literature from the lives of the common man. The novel paints a grave picture of the society where people drive fast, watch television day in and day out and listen to Seashell Radio sets. The symbolism associated with the use of these radio sets is the alienation of people. The author reveals in the book, â€Å"And in her ears the little Seashells, the thimble radios tamped tight, and an electronic ocean of sound, of music and talk and music and talking coming in (12).† The Seashell radios are an allusion to headphones now being used commonly in the modern world. In the novel,

This is an essay to get accepted to american university of paris

This is an to get accepted to american university of paris - Essay Example There are several reasons why I am passionate about studying at the American University of Paris. The American University of Paris is home to many successful individuals. The mission statement of American University of Paris depicts everything that I am looking for in an university. A university that focuses on hands on learning, history and being a responsible individual is a place I would enjoy being a part of (American University of Paris 2011). Ethnic backgrounds should be able to come together and learn with one another. This is what sets American University of Paris apart from other universities. The universities focus on students from different nationalities makes American University of Paris a leader in education. In a world that is becoming more ethnically diverse, this is important. Learning in a national setting can help explore national issues. Learning in a national atmosphere will help to further explore national concerns. Some national concerns are war and the environment. Both concerns are concerns that affect all people. War is not the answer for anything. Human beings should be able to talk issues out with one another until an agreement is made. Killing innocent individuals over mindless problems seems like a waste of time. Obtaining a diverse education can help address national concerns. The environment is something that every individual from every type of background has to deal with. We as a human race are on this earth together and all affected by natural disasters and global warming issues. Natural disasters can happen at any time and affect anyone. It is important for those affected to be able to seek help from all over the world. This is why it is so important for me to study and learn discipline with individuals of different education and geographical backgrounds. Global warming issues are a national concern for me and should be a national concern

Importance of Key Success Factors in businesses and organisations of Essay

Importance of Key Success Factors in businesses and organisations of SAB - Essay Example This report studies critical success factors by studying the case study of the South African Brewery (SAB). Since its inception the management of the company had a vision of future expansion and utilization of the most efficient mechanisms in order to obtain access to the capital and money markets and provide liquidity to the equity and commercial of the company was an early success factor for SAB. In 1892 the company converted into the public company South African United Breweries openly traded in the London Stock Exchange was the event that allowed the company to finance its operation and acquire capital whenever needed take advantage of market opportunities. The company immediately work to work and the creation of the public came simultaneously with the acquisition of a brewery. The smart strategies continued with this company and the exposure gained as an LSE player attracted a key investor which led to the formation of SAB in 1895. Another key historical event in SAB which was a major success factor was the latter acquisition of two other companies in South African beer business whic h enabled the company to control 90% of the alcoholic beverage market share in 1960. A company that controls 90% of a market basically is a company operating in a de-facto monopoly. In reality the company operates in oligopoly. An oligopoly is an industry with very few competitors participating in the marketplace. Since SAB control 90% there are powerful that the power they have over strategic decisions and entire industry provide the company the ability decision such as controlling the pricing, supply and demand of the supply chain in South Africa. That type of power enabled the company to become the player in this industry that serves the need of the customers and creates the trends in product offering that the minority players in the industry follow. A de-facto monopoly allows a company such as SAB to set a price for its product without worrying about the

Jones v Kernott [2011] UKSC 53 has been Described as a Truly Essay

Jones v Kernott [2011] UKSC 53 has been Described as a Truly Ground-breaking Case in Relation to Cohabitant Purchaser - Essay Example The landmark ruling by Supreme Court laid down paradigms applicable to home ownership by unmarried cohabitant couples. Discussion Facts and Decisions of the Case Leonard Kernott and Patricia Jones started cohabiting in 1983 and had two children. They purchased a family home in joint names at 39 Badger Hall Avenue for ? 30,000 in 1984. The couple lived in this home for around eleven years (Pawlowski 2012). Upon separation of the two in October 1993, Kernott deserted their family home, while the claimant stayed with children in the house. Jones did not apply for Child Support Agency. Kernott quit making mortgage contribution for the property and demonstrated little commitment towards maintaining their two children. Their joint effort in selling the property for ? 70,000 in October 1995 was unsuccessful. The parties, however, cashed in on mutually owned insurance policy, of which the proceeds were shared equally. Kernott used his share to mortgage a house at 114 Stanley Road in Essex fo r around ? 57,000. Jones used her share to perform cosmetic surgery. Kernott invoked correspondence in order to claim his share of property at 39 Badger Hall Avenue. In 2007, Jones filed lawsuit against Kernott’s claim for joint share of the property (Mee 2012). Jones claimed that Kernott’s purchase of property at 114 Stanley Road was an indication of change in his intention for joint tenancy over the house. Ms. Jones sought quantification of their respective property interests. The claimant sought greater share of the property. The court ruling by Judge Dedman was that Jones merited 90 % of property ownership. Nicholas Strauss QC, a deputy judge of the High Court, approved the decision on appeal by the defendant (Pawlowski 2012). Further appeal by Kernott led to overturning of the Strauss’s decision on majority voting by the Court of Appeal. The decision was that the parties were entitled to equal share of property at 39 Badger Hall Avenue. This was based on fi nding that the intention of the parties was unchanged. Jones had filed an appeal to Supreme Court, which led to restoration of Strauss’s decision (Yip 2012; Mee 2012). The lordship of the Supreme Court gave mixed opinion as to whether property evaluations were to be approached from inference perspective or imputation of intentions of the parties. The ruling by Supreme Court Judges, Lord Walker and Lady Hale, was based on the premise that the parties had formed mutual purpose for beneficial ownership of the property. The decision was based on the premise that Kernott’s purchase of new home for himself was a demonstration of his change of plan. The logical inference was that Kernott’s lack of commitment for paying mortgage for the property at Badger Hall Avenue was manifested at his purchase of another home. Just like Jone’s would have exclusive benefit of capital gain in her home at Badger Hall Avenue, so would Kernott’s have exclusive benefit of ca pital gain at Stanley Road (Mee 2012). Nevertheless, Lords Kerr and Wilson felt that the parties’ intentions should be imputed to ownership of 90:10. Lord Collins stance was unclear concerning imputation and inference of intention (Yip 2012). Lord Wilson argued that it was logical inference that the parties shared intention with regard to secondary issue of quantification. Wilson preferred to approach the matter from

Taj Mahal Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Taj Mahal - Essay Example The picture depicts the beautiful monument made of white marble, on the blue backdrop of the sky and the river, below! The Taj Mahal was built over a period ranging sixteen years, from 1632 to 1648, by the Mughal Emperor Shah Jahan, in the sweet remembrance of his wife, Mumtaz Mahal. It is essentially a mausoleum, built by the emperor, with love for his wife. Ever since, it has been the cynosure of tourists, architects and historians, alike. The first striking feature of this picture is the magnanimity of this mausoleum of love, contrasted against the miniature structure of humanity! We can see the huge graceful structure, against which the tourists and visitors look inconspicuous. This is what the monument delivers, with its beauty, which is a visual treat. The visitors and tourists possess expressions of awe and wonder, on viewing this magnificent building, which refuses not to cast a spell on anyone who visits or views it. Another striking feature of this monument is that the pure white marble used to build this monument is reflective of t

Chateau Lafite Rothschild (China) Essay Example for Free

Chateau Lafite Rothschild (China) Essay Situation in China: China is one of the most important markets in the world, and with a growth of the Chinese economy in the past decades; it has encouraged international suppliercompaniess to enter the Chinese market. Living standards as well as purchasing power parity have improved since the countries openness to a market-oriented economy. Due to this openness foreign companies have attracted the consumption of wine from the middle-class, generating an increase in the last years of wine sales. Wine consumption continues to grow at a rapid rate in the country. The Chinese wine market is a complicated due to its numerous wine producers (local producers) and wine companies entering china to exploit the wine market. China as the most populated country in the world is a commercial paradise for all the enterprises wanting to expand to new markets. By the gain in market share by the introduction of new products to the Chinese market, foreign companies take advantage of a growing market. In the last years the French wine companies have been exporting to china expecting to gain market share in the wine sector taking advantage of one of the world’s fastest growing economy. For French wine export companies, it is important to understand the market, due to the Chinese wine companies and local wine production and how they have been gaining ground in the wine market. Due to the countries emerging economy and the growth in economical aspects the population in china have been entering a new era of consumption of foreign products, and due to this reasons most foreign companies have set up subsidiaries or the most common joint ventures with other Chinese companies to enter the country’s market and gain some ground on the major cities. One of the most important and emerging sectors in the Chinese society are the luxurious products. After the purchasing power of the individuals, luxurious products have acquired more interest and represent an improvement in status of the Chinese population either local or international status. The wine sector represents an important sector for upcoming expenditures for the Chinese population, although the purchase of wine is more business oriented than for personal consumption. The preferred wines for this type of consumption are the high-end French wines (Bordeaux and Burgundy). The market situation is very open nowadays due to the facility of the Chinese consumers o access wines imported from major foreign producing countries as well as local produced wines (France, Italy, USA, Chile and Australia). To have great success in the Chinese wine market the companies have to apply a strong marketing promotion compared to the local mass promotions by Chinese producers. The foreign brands have to apply a strong marketing promotion, but due to lack of resources the advertisements from foreign companies has a limited reach. To improve the image of foreign wine brands, foreign companies must intensify their promotions and advertisements, generate a consumer education by creating events, wine demonstrations and wine-food events, as well as lowering the prices to accommodate them to the population’s purchasing power (different levels of purchasing power). STRENGHTS: †¢ Luxurious and high-end wine. †¢ Renown wine company over the world. †¢ French presence and popularity in the wine market. Bordeaux and Burgundy wines considered one of the best wines in the world. WEAKNESES: †¢ Weak marketing. †¢ High product prices. OPORTUNITIES: †¢ Fastest growing market in the world. 20% growth from 2006-2011 and with a forecasted growth of 54% for 2015. †¢ Most populated country in the world. †¢ Economy has been growing at over twice the world’s average, generating future markets for imported products. †¢ Wine market in china is expected to continue its growth, placing itself in 4th place in the world’s markets. †¢ Elevated purchasing power from the Chinese consumers. Accelerated increase in consumption. THREATS: †¢ Corruption and smuggling from the neighboring countries. †¢ Chinese wine producers awakening. Chinese wine companies have gained the majority of market share in the country. †¢ Growth of china’s vineyards has surpassed the production from three countries combined (Australia, Chile and South Africa).

What Is Career Planning And Development Commerce Essay

What Is Career Planning And Development Commerce Essay Individuals can no longer expect job security and a career path that takes them through a steady progression of jobs of increasing status and responsibility. The employee has the lead responsibility for his or her career development. Supervisors, managers, and the organization can provide meaningful assistance in this process. There are numerous ways for an employer to contribute to an individual employees career development and at the same time meet the organizational needs. The outcomes desired by organizations include achieving the best match between people and jobs. Individuals desired outcomes range from status to job flexibility to monetary rewards, depending upon the situation.( Cheryl, H 2005) According to Tricia Jackson, 2004, Career Development is a process of assessing, aligning and balancing organizational and individual needs, capabilities and opportunities and challenges through multiple approaches and methods. It emphasizes the person as an individual who performs configures and adapts various work roles. Career development is not a mere management responsibility. It is a composite organizational process which involves people, addresses their ambitions, assigns them roles responsibilities commensurate with their potential, evaluates their performance, and creates Job positions to accommodate growth ambitions of employees. Career planning is the process of establishing short or long term career goals and objectives and defining the specific steps required to achieve them. These steps may include the type of jobs, training, development and other activities (Jackson, T 2004). Importance of career planning and development There is increasing rate of change of our organizations and in the knowledge and skills we need to perform our jobs. Both external and internal factors influence the need for career development. Among these factors, Slavenski and Buckner (1988) list the following: o The need to identify and forecast personnel needs o Social and demographic trends o The changing nature of work o Changing types of jobs o Equity and a multicultural work force o Worker productivity o Technological change and decreasing advancement opportunities o Organizational philosophies Employers are motivated to establish career development programs because such programs are seen as an effective response to various personnel problems, because top managers prefer to promote existing employees and to ensure a good fit between the work and the worker, and because employees have expressed interest in career development as a benefit (Gutteridge 1986). Above all, most organizations adopt career development programs in response to pragmatic human resource concerns and because they believe it will help ensure a continued supply of qualified, talented personnel (Gutteridge 1986, p. 58). It is a known fact that most professionals leave an organisation due to lack of career growth. Active career development initiatives by a company is a key retention tool to keep the best talent within its fold. (Sudipta Dev) Advantages of career planning and development Every organisation needs to retain people with the right skills and talent. This can be enabled by investing in their future growth and showing them the path to fulfil their dreams. In this process the effort put by employees gives a fillip to their performance and transforms into greater organisational productivity. The whole process should be well organised to receive full support from employees who will clearly see the advantages. It is mutually beneficial to the employee as well as the employer. No organisation can develop without taking its employees on the growth path and an individuals development is meaningless if it does not align with the organisational goals and strategies. When an individuals aspirations is directed elsewhere from that of his organisations it can lead to absolute chaos. Sudipta Dev) For the employees Career development programmes enable a deeper focus on an employees aims and aspirations-from identification of the handicaps being faced by an employee in accomplishing his goals to the solutions in terms of re-skilling or reassignment. This focus acts as the significant motivator for an employee to excel and exceed the targets From the employees point of view career development initiatives gives them a clear focus about their career track, the blind spots that they have to overcome and the final goal to be reached. This focussed approach works to their advantage from their everyday work to long-term aspirations. (Sudipta Dev) For the organization These career development efforts bring into focus high potential candidates who can be groomed for greater responsibilities in the future. (Sudipta Dev) n organisation focussed on developing the career path of its employees boosts the morale and ultimately the productivity of its staff. (Sudipta Dev) Purpose In undertaking its wide-sweeping Compensation Reform initiative, the Commonwealth of Virginia overhauled its classification and compensation system in favor of a modernized, flexible compensation and performance management system that offers employees the opportunity to more easily take advantage of career opportunities. The current initiative of Compensation Reform is Career Development. This Career Development Guide provides state employees and their management with a reference document that: Offers a general road map for continuing career and professional development. Provides an understanding of the behavioral and technical competencies that are required to effectively perform tasks in their occupations, and to use for career planning. Presents a reference document on learning and other developmental opportunities which may be used in preparation of Employee Development Plans a component of the Employee Work Profile The purpose of career development is to: Enhance each employees current performance Enable individuals to take advantage of future job opportunities Fulfill their employers goals for a dynamic and effective workforce. We live in uncertain times. Factors outside of the employee and employers control may affect the outcome of career actions. But one thing is true the best career development move is to perform well in ones current position. Consistent, high quality performance along with thoughtful career planning will help ensure continued success on the job. People at your company who want to advance their careers are always looking for ways to sharpen and improve their skill sets. Your challenge becomes making sure youre investing in learning programs that will best help your employees address their skill gaps, prepare for future roles, and achieve individual goals-thereby contributing to the success of your company. With carrer planning and Development employers can establish a clear path for employees to achieving their goals. Steps to career planning Steps to Career Planning Step Action 1 Conduct self-assessment. 2 Explore careers that interest you. 3 Make decisions and set goals. 4 Create an action planner. 5 Manage your career. It is important to know your overall goal. Think about where you would like to be at the end of your career and set your plan to get there. The best way to ensure compatibility and balance in your life and career is to consider all aspects of your life from the beginning of your plan. Once you have a sense of what you are trying to accomplish overall, it is important for you to establish your current status. A personal inventory can reveal your: abilities interests and attitudes The inventory will define your: strengths and weaknesses Looking for a match between your strengths and the work you are doing or considering is the most important step before making any decisions. Assessing your personality and attitudes will help you determine the best way for you to move toward your goal: What are your current skills and achievements? What about knowledge and values? How will your learning style impact your pursuit? What are your interests? When you are clear on these things, you will be able to make better choices about the direction you want your career to take and do a better job of convincing prospective employers that you are the best choice!

Top and Bottom Down Approaches in Research

Top and Bottom Down Approaches in Research 1.1 Introduction: The theoretical challenge of managed environments General works in the field of development studies or environmental management typically imitate structural, institutional and political economy analyses. This dissertation however focuses on the theoretical and methodological foundations of an actor-oriented, process-based and social constructionist form of analysis. It also aims to show the usefulness of such an approach for providing new insights into critical areas of empirical enquiry. In the introductory chapter I posed the dilemma confronting change managers and citizens with existing practices of environmental governance reform that are performing inconsistently. My starting point is the premise that experiences of decision-making over environmental management practices have not reflected the intent of smoother transitions and greater legitimacy that a turn to more participative approaches had promised. More democratic methods are not consistently producing more democratic outcomes, at least so are reports from practice warning. Instead, governance reform is experienced as frustrating struggles by actors brought together using ideals of collaborative practice that are frequently proving disappointing in application. The stories that this report recounts are indicative of the type of struggles and indeterminacies more and more encountered by policy actors in addressing issues of society-nature relations. It will be shown that the day-to-day tensions are not well expressed in the languages of social science or practitioners. Are there better ways to conceptualize these problems? Do we have language for this? To answer this, I will have to look for alternative ways to enter the subject and pose questions in different ways. A search for models of practice and theoretical foundations that may prove relevant to the rapidly changing contexts of managed environments encounters a rich literature that has engaged with the problems posed by the environmental pressures of population increase and technological development. However, as will be seen, existing conceptualisations encounter limits of abstraction. The implicit recognition of that has seen practitioners develop a wide range of approaches that are nearer to a recognition of actor perspectives in the field of environmental governance reform that more anthropological perspectives will highlight. A closer examination shows that abandoning abstraction in order to acknowledge the natural complexity of modern contexts in a post-modern time does not resolve the problem of constructively navigating changing knowledge systems. I therefore turn to post-structuralist thinking which allows me to give more attention to the social constructivist view and, in particul ar, to the co-constructed nature of knowledge, framing and subjectivities. The method that proves most promising to demonstrate and resolve the ambiguous nature of social knowledge is a dialectical approach to mapping the deliberative spaces of 21st century environmental governance reform. To do this work, perspectives from different disciplinary areas are brought together, including environmental sociology, environmental policy, anthropology, development studies, conservation management, political ecology and public policy. The discussion will seek to ‘ambiguate key notions in the society-nature literatures, that is, work with the ambiguity that becomes exposed when different scholarly worldviews are applied to core concepts of environmental governance. Working dialectically with the framings of theorists and practitioners means moving at different levels of extension, probing generalisation and rethinking subjects. This will show how ideas of nature, knowledge, community, and identity are central. The journey I will pursue in this chapter and effectively continue in the following transects key themes in the literature on environmental and development issues that I will not attempt to treat comprehensively a futile task even with the best of intentions but instead I want to trace insightful tensions and contours in the landscapes of academic, practitioners and subjective knowledges that shape the individual and institutional behaviour of social actors. By focussing on boundaries, and the conceptual or physical movement across these, I claim that I can show useful insights into the processes through which actors engage in participative, democratic spaces. By evoking a journey through the literature, I shadow the journey that I myself followed when I entered into and pursued this research, coming from a career as aid worker and encounter with the Great Barrier Island setting. Entering into academic reflection on social and political situations from that background opened perspectives that are not easily available to a researcher arriving from the outside or evaluating social processes with less reference to practical experience. At the same time, a positioning on the boundaries of the settings studied that my own background with the frequent geographic and career changes allowed, can be said to have greatly elevated my ‘hermeneutical horizon, opening up better appreciation of multiple, overlapping contexts. The aim of this chapter is to reveal a range of features and entry points into a number of settings that I gained access to, even if not comprehensively but certainly illustrative. I want to show that abstraction needs to adopt not only an actor-grounded and situated methodology but equally a more subjective theorisation, in order to give new meaning to abstraction. The literature I will bring into the discussion will help me elaborate how simultaneously seeking out top-down, bottom-up and reflective positions can give complementary insights into processes of actor engagement over environmental governance. The reason is that the political, social and cultural complexities that determine human-nature, and particularly society-nature, relations impose a need for multiple perspectives. In the following sections I will construct several positions located on metaphoric boundaries that offer perspective on subject areas and cultures of practice. To do that, I will open three views, or categories of view: one as a top-down view, which uses analytical thinking looking at overviews, comparisons and indicators to form structural explanations that underlie theory and practice. A second position approaches actors within a situation and is interested in narratives that convey the struggles and explanations present in a given situation, as they are seen from the bottom up. And with a view that is neither top-down, nor bottom-up, I want to emphasize a self-conscious, reflective treatment of knowledge and the co-construction of world views that deliberative practices can entail. 1.1.1 Case study or research intervention? The scholarly practitioner as participant in knowledge production Before I enter the subject area however, I must first clarify my point of entry into and positionality within the subject. In particular, the performative character of social science research needs to be acknowledged. Scientific inquiry is recognized as a social practice mediated contextually through symbolic means {Foucault, 2002; Pryke, Rose, Whatmore, 2003}. Sociological research has documented the extent to which science is as much a socio-cultural activity as a technical enterprise. The post-positivist challenge to the social sciences that was evoked by Fischer and quoted introductory chapter, derives from evidence that the elements of empirical inquiry from observation and hypothesis formation through data collection and explanation are grounded in often limited theoretical assumptions of the socio-cultural practices through which they are developed {Root, 1993}. Scientific explanations therefore have to be understood as explanations offered by specific communities of inquirers situated in particular places and times, so Fischer emphasizes (1998). These are discursive communities that are located alongside and intermeshed with other political communities in the social landscape. This draws attention to positioning researcher and science within the political communities that are present. Attention must be paid throughout the approach, engagement and interpretation of social situations to be reflective about the relation of the researcher to the subject. In my engagement with the actors within the settings I investigated, my approach and interest was shaped by all of my curriculum vitae but especially by my background as former aid worker. At least three specific aspects of this career were particularly significant in forming my approach to this study and, in particular, the lines of questioning that I adopted. For many years while working on behalf of large non-governmental aid organisations like Oxfam and Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF), when I was often assigned as project planner in collaboration with medical or logistics experts with the task to research the humanitarian, political and security context in a particular setting to identify priority needs an organisation was able to address and to design the detailed aid interventions. I led needs assessment missions lasting 2 to 4 weeks to Georgia, Tajikistan, Congo, Burundi, Syria, Iraq, and Nepal among others,. The output would consist of reports documenting findings of data collection and interviews, verbal and written interpretation of implications for launching aid operations, and proposals to governmental donor agencies that complied to institutional requirements and priorities in order to maximise chances of gaining funding support. Essentially this was a research role with an action orientation. My primary role while working for these international aid organisations was project manager and/or country representative, positions that I held in Russia. Chechnya, Congo, Kenya, Lebanon, and Mauritania among others. Aid projects would be managed by a team of expatriates and local staff, often growing into large, well-resourced and formalised organisations with up to 50 staff. This required me to manage teams and situations with a view to producing outcomes, conforming to organisational policies. As head of usually one of the larger NGOs in a sector, I would frequently also act on behalf of a wider community of aid agencies that shared similar values and objectives in collaborating and representing interests to government counterparts. The emphasis on advocating for universal rights and principles on behalf of vulnerable and victims under threat was an important advocacy priority for organisations like Oxfam and MSF, and thus was a critical rationale for situating, maintaining, and promoting many aid activities. At the same time I would be representing associations that had explicitly defined visions and principles in an organisational environment and so I had to be very self-conscious about the philosophical distinctions between advocacy, religious, purely charitable, bilateral or inter-governmental agencies. In other words, through this work I had been sensitized to the subtleties of organisational culture and its relationship to operational policies. In general, as a project manager I shared an outcome orientation that allowed me to identify with the role of other project managers in comparable organisational settings, even outside the domain international aid. The reason I found myself in a ten-year career as aid worker was in part due to a long-standing interest in foreign settings and the extensive time I had already spent living abroad. The familiarity with different cultures from growing up in the Middle East, emigrating during school years to New Zealand and working in several European countries not only opened my appreciation of how cultures and societies are distinguished but also permitted me to acquire conversational fluency in eight languages. Overhearing the words our interpreter used to translate my speech into Arabic for a group of village elders in a Sahel village, or joking with Russian militia officers to be able to enter an ethnic enclave in the Caucasus, added diverse points of view that only first-hand knowledge can make relevant to other situations. The value of knowing how language and cultural upbringing can shape world views, understanding and humour is invaluable when attempting to reflect on other situations from a position that is neither entirely inside nor outside but on the boundary between cultures and places that are in (dialectical) relation. 1.1.1.1 Adopting an inside-out view: focus on protagonist, on the relationship between identity and subject. While it is tempting to examine a situation from the point of view of those with the power to affect it the change makers and potential audience for the research findings it can be critical to also adopt the point of view of less influential actors. An inside out view seeks to show how outside forces influence the nature of polity, rather than using the people in the area of interest to provide a background against which to set the actions of outsiders {see also Routledge, Pacific History as seen from the Pacific Islands, Pacific Studies Spring 1985}. This study, in other words, seeks to be not merely island-centred but islander-oriented. The perspective thus adopted is that of a scholarly practitioner. Bentz and Shapiro {, 1998 #1684} use this term to recognise that in the enterprise of knowledge generation and critical reflection, there is a two-way relationship. The role of the scholarly practitioner involves â€Å"using professional practice and knowledge as a resource for the formulation and production of scholarly knowledge as well as for evaluating, testing, applying, extending, or modifying existing knowledge† (p. 66). Bentz and Shapiro stress that this requires also an awareness of the limits of knowledge, and, I would add, the contested nature of knowledge. This recognition brings attention to the production of knowledge in environmental politics. 1.1.1.2 Social science must be conscious of its performative character: Reconnecting the researcher with the researched There are a number of research traditions that address the ontological gap between researcher and the researched. Action research for one, is a participatory methodology that seeks to produce knowledge that emerges from context of action as a collaborative project between researcher and the researched. It typically sees the researcher performing functional roles within groups working together on real world projects and tasks (Wadsworth, 1998). Participatory research finds many other outlets and emphasizes a philosophy of co-production or research, from the formulation of the question, through reflection on outcomes to the communication of findings (Cornwall Jewkes, 1995). A methodology that seeks to discard theoretical preconceptions completely is grounded theory. Theories are grounded in the groups observable experiences, but researchers add their own insight into why those experiences exist. It is a method formulated by Strauss and Corbin that categorizes empirically collected data to build a general theory to fit the data (Barney G. Glaser, 2004; B.G. Glaser Strauss, 1967; A. McCarthy, 1999). The investigator develops conceptual categories from the data and then makes new observations to develop these categories. Hypotheses are derived directly from the data, and may be tested against it. All conclusions must be grounded in and supported by the data. Their seminal work, The Development of Grounded Theory (1967), moved researchers past the hypothesis-testing uses of raw data into the hypothesis-generating potential of their observations. The approach has been steadily expanding its reach within academia through sociology and social anthropology an d, more recently into applied disciplines like nursing and educational research. Notwithstanding the uptake of grounded philosophy by researchers motivated to reconnect with the empirical subject, the lack of theorizing underlying this may be criticized by more ‘sophisticated theorists like Habermas, who I later want to bring into this discussion. For the German, the lack of critical framing that grounded theory represents is a crucial shortcoming that needs to be addressed methodologically. I will begin this by first discussing methodological treatment of settings and context. 1.1.2 Accounting for context with mental models and ethnographic methods The cognitive patterns that underlie social behavior are not easily accessible to the researcher. Conceptualizing mental models that can account for communicative behavior in a way that relates to settings and context must represent basic notions of cognition such as ideology, knowledge and values. Ideologies in the sense used here, are general and abstract, principle based, axiomatic beliefs, while knowledge are the actual facts and beliefs held as true. Attitudes are taken to comprise opinion, beliefs, feelings, and intentions about specific issues, typically socially shared (see also Leiserowitz, Kates, Parris, 2006). A mental model then, is the categorical understanding constructed from ideologies, knowledge, and attitudes of specific contexts and situations. An accompanying notion is that of group knowledge as those social beliefs that which a group, or imagined community, holds to be true according to its own evaluation or verification (truth) criteria (eg science) and which can be doubted by outsiders. But such cultural, common ground knowledge is not challenged within groups, and is presupposed in public discourse, even when they are shifting as are the notions of conservation, environment and sustainability did that were discussed. 1.1.2.1 Context models as subjective representation To study context and its relation to subjective meanings, ethnographic approaches hold most promise as they work with subjective representation and group knowledge processes (e.g. Descola, 1996; Wolfe Yang, 1996). Such a view is also interested in how context structures social relations (communicative and interactional), social dynamics (group membership and interaction). But it also brings another interest relevant to the study of participation, of how cognition has a role in terms of framing goals, knowledge and other beliefs of participants in deliberation. The notion of context is used in scholarship as ambiguously as ‘environment is in wider discourses. To be able to treat it as an analytical object needs a basic model. By defining contexts and contextualization in terms of mental models and their role in discourse production and comprehension, this can account not only for the role of social representations such as attitudes and ideologies in discourse, but also allows a more subjective explanation of discourse and its variation in terms of personal mental models. The empirical studies will demonstrate this. Van Dijk (2001) sees context as a model of relevance that shapes actors opinions and actions. He recognizes that context is subjective and individual and with that is ideologically based and has coherence within group discourse. Thus, context models are subjective representations of social situation, including communicative events they define what is relevant. This makes an account of context critical for understanding participation. And subjective context framing may be ideologically biased. 1.1.2.2 Frames of referenceand the ‘black box of mental models The concept of frame of reference is also used commonly used to refer to the cognitive effect of contextual models (Swaffield, 1998). It describes and categorizes the attitudes displayed by individuals when discussing a management issue. The framing concepts in this study were defined as follows: A frame of reference is an analytical model of attitudes concerning a resource policy or management issue. A personal frame of reference refers to the attitudes expressed by an individual. A common frame of reference refers to the distinctive pattern of attitudes that is common to a number of individuals. However, there is no claim that the frame of reference as defined here represents cognitive processes. Rather, it is a model of the attitudes openly expressed by individuals when discussing an issue. A basic problem that remains, is that context, subjectivities and cognition remain inaccessible to a researcher. A ‘black box model of subjective context therefore lacks explanatory relevance. But as the subject of deliberation, context circumscribes the cognitive boundaries of actors ‘mentalities. For van Dijk (2001), the advantage of such an approach is that it accounts not only for the role of social representations, such as attitudes and ideologies in discourse, but also allows a more subjective explanation of discourse and its variation in terms of personal mental models. And since contexts are by definition unique and personal, context models of framings precisely allow an individual approach to contextualization to be combined with a more social one, in which shared representations, groups, and other societal aspects play a prominent role. 1.1.3 Boundaries: Locating and moving across by following, pushing or re-imagining phenomena ## I will begin with the premise that the totality of relations in a socio-ecological geography are meaningful, that is the relations between people, places and things. And that the inverse of relationships are distinctions that coalesce to form boundaries between categories and instances. This is worth emphasizing since the recognition that boundaries constrain meaning can draw attention to the contrived and therefore limiting nature of abstraction. How this premise will permit established abstraction and meanings to be questioned, fragmented and reassembled is the work that this chapter will begin and will be completed in the methodological chapter that follows. The first boundary to highlight and that can show what is meant by transgressing distinctions consists of the separation of human from non-human nature. Imagining environmental governance reform as regulating the entry of humans into nature and the export of non-human resources out of nature is counter-intuitive to any gardener. Fence lines, compost bins and patio seating all blur the boundaries. Self-identity for many derives from emotional attachments to home and garden, nurturing roles that a vegetable plot reinforces and status that manicured lawns or urban bio-diversity islands respectively can demonstrate. Thus the domain of interest should not be a non-human nature as an object of human intervention but instead a nature as a geography of human relations that are linked to an environment through diverse interests. This is a geography that is physically located in both the commons and in private property another paired abstraction that will prove to be divided by a blurred boundary. But this is also a geography that exists in the social imagination as social, cultural or political objects. The environment so seen can be conceived as the total of society-nature relations which relate to all material, subjective, cognitive, political, and other interests or dimensions. The challenge then becomes not in naming these complex relations but in thinking about them, in framing them. 1.1.4 Environmental governance as an adjustable lens [## develop] The first conceptual tool to prepare will thus be the notion of environmental governance as an adjustable lens. Rather than using the literature in an inevitably selective manner to stabilize the meaning of this concept at least for the duration of this discussion, I will adopt a counter-strategy of reinforcing the ambiguity of the notion and employing it with shifting meanings to approach the research problem from different scales, extension and perspectives. Environmental governance is a category of practices and ideas that are of interest to several perspectives. As a domain of practice it is the concern of academic text books (Durant, Fiorino, OLeary, 2004; Hempel, 1996; Kettl, 2002; Levy Newell, 2005) as much as ministerial policy statements {Ministry of the Environment 2000, 2003}, international donor policy, and publications of environmental agencies. In practice, actually relating good governance to ecological outcomes is near impossible. Choosing one arbitrary example from international experience, an in-depth evaluation of different forest management governance regimes in Madagascar showed how there were enormous difficulties in explaining the dynamics and assessing measures of sustainability and equity (McConnell Sweeney). The term of environmental governance can be encountered in a range of contexts. In a recent survey of issues in environmental policy and management Durant et al (ibid.) identify key topics in environmental governance as sustainability, the precautionary principle, common-pool resource theory, deliberative democracy, civic environmentalism, environmental justice, property rights, environmental conflict resolution, devolution, among others. This has introduced a range of perspectives from environmental economics, democratic theory, public policy, law, political science, and public administration. In effect, environmental governance does not so much represent a theoretical field or a professional discipline, but a theme of shared concerns in scholarship and applied practice. This chapter will consider how environmental governance can be re-approached by detaching it from the portfolio of resource managers and relocating it within a wider arena of development and democratic practices. In the development field the notion that the public, stakeholders or local people have an important role in environmental governance is emphasized. Environmental governance includes the structures (e.g. management regimes), organizational forms (e.g. farmer research teams, water user associations), processes (e.g. multi-stakeholder dialogue), actors and rules (e.g. negotiated access rights and boundaries) that determine how resources are managed at international, national and local levels. (International Development Research Centre) Aside from government agencies and development practitioners, scholars will also characterize contemporary environmental governanceas a â€Å"collaborative approach to policy formulation and implementation†(Durant et al., 2004, pp. 22-23). Environmental governance therefore is relevant to several different fields of interest to scholars and can be framed in several ways. In the first instance, environmental governance is political and so a subject of political inquiry. This opens up a diverse body of literature to employ in developing an approach to environmental governance. Another dimension that arises out of the political, and that the following discussion shows to be explicitly present, is deliberative democracy. But the most promising approach to begin to problematize environmental governance lies with the notion of development and its contemporary manifestation as sustainable development, particularly its application by foreign agents in local settings. Each of these dim ensions embodies unresolved tensions tensions that can also be encountered in many sites of social theory and practice which centre on epistemological concerns. It may also be useful to think in terms of environmental governance as a body of political theory, as Humphrey has done (2007), that has a central focus upon environmental concerns as these relate to democracy, justice, globalization, political economy, freedom, the welfare state, and other aspects of political life. This body of work is no longer as closely related to the environmental ethics and values of nature of a deep ecology, but is more integrated into mainstream political theory. For the purpose of this discussion, I will develop the notion of environmental governance as a conceptual tool to approach the research problem from different scales, extension and perspectives. The complementary notions of environmental governance offer entry points into related literatures and cultures of practice: Environmental Democracy, Environmental Reform, Environmental Collaboration, and Environmental Sustainability. Environmental governance can thus best be treated as both as assembly of practice and as a body of theory that is doing political work. To reconnect theory and practice will be the task of this chapter. 1.1.5 We are being ‘participated again: An incomplete typology of participative approaches There is an emerging consensus that the public need to be more involved in the processes of environmental decision making. From the international arena exemplified in documents such as Agenda 21 and the initiatives of the World Bank to national government policy initiatives, local policy and planning systems such as the New Zealand Resource Management Act, and in the discourses of actors including scientists and business groups, a role for public participation has been instituted (Davies, 2002). Implicit in the idea of participation is that the initiative lies with the reformers, the change-makers to approach the public with a project to respond to. From the perspective of an un-associated citizen, the prospect of another round of workshops and discussion groups events that have become familiar to many villagers in target zones of international aid the process is passive and invites the expression not surprisingly encountered in developing nations of ‘we are being participated again. The notion of taking part in environmental decision-making and in contrast to an authority taking top-down action is taken up by a wide range of terms and practices. Participation in the social science is an umbrella term including different means for the public to directly participate in political, economic, management or other social decisions. Participatory decision making then infers a level of proportionate decision making power and can take place along any realm of human social activity, including economic (e.g. participatory economics), political (e.g. participatory democracy), cultural (e.g. communalism) or familial (e.g. Feminism). In practice, the term participation applies to processes initiated by an agency seeking to initiate a project or introduce reform. It thus becomes critical to ask, who is invited to participate, and by whom. What regulatory requirements may apply, is there precedent, and what resources are available are only some of the parameters that the term participation by itself does not convey. In the government sector, at least in New Zealand, the word consultation is frequently used to describe a range of processes to engage with the community i.e. citizens and citizen associations. These range from the prescribed processes in the Local Government Act (2002) such as the special consultative procedure (section 83) to informal processes such as e-mail chat groups or anecdotal local knowledge. In this report, the term consultation will be used in a broad sense to include any form of government agency engagement with local communities, including activities carried out by an authority to inform itself of community views as well as specific consultation exercises. Collaboration is another category that carries the notion to work jointly with others or together especially in an intellectual endeavour. The sense that will be used here, emphasises the absence of authority, a consensual decision making process with respect to an established domain. Dispute resolution is a related practice that seeks to reduce differences or to seek a solution when a conflict situation exists. When the services of a third party are utilized, this is often referred to as mediation. These categories denote some of the dimensions that structure relationships in public involvement: consultation as an exercise in information exchange, participation implying a direct input into deliberation over decisions linked to

War :: essays papers

war Day after day on the news we see what the damage that violence has caused. Lots of people in this world think that it would be a better place with out violence, but that most assuredly will not happen. Most violence is horrible and unruly and quite unnecessary, however there are types of violence, which, for lack of a better word, needed. For this I mean Wars, self-defense and entertainment, which are completely necessary and have shaped history. Wars are how people defend themselves on a larger more powerful scale the use national power instead of individual to defend their way of life. Wars are the absolute source of violence nowhere else does it get more violent now that we have the use of the atom and smart weapons. Wars have divided countries and made friends were before they were none. Thousands upon thousands of people English and American alike died in the bloodiest war on American soil. This war conveyed violence at its best and as a result won America the independence we have so long been accustomed to. There is no way to try and call this revolutionary act needless or unwanted. No one that is alive today can remember anything about the American Revolution, except of what they read in books and so forth. Many books on the American Revolution give facts in great detail and depth, but they do not convey the brutality and the harshness that accord there. A far cry from the Revolutionary War is the Entertainment Business, particularly wrestling and Action movies. Television stations are littered with advertisements for the up coming wrestling events and new hit action suspense movies, both of which show little blurbs of people getting body slammed or blown up or even killed depending on the source but there is one thing they share, they all use violence in there advertisements. People today like seeing this type of thing, they pay top dollar to go to see their favorite wrestler and or movie star perform. At any wrestling venue you can see thousands of people waving and yelling at people they like and dislike, for them it is a release of emotions and a good time for all. People need shows and things of this nature to help people relax and let loose some of there pent up anger and aggression, plus it feels good to.

Essay --

According to our research, our analysis and our experiences, we can assume that the following statements could help us to have a better understanding on how and why there is such a big difference of suicide rate at workplace between two companies competing in the same sector: The following statements are based on Geert Hofstede organizational dimensions model and on Trompenaars and Hampden-Turner’s different researches about organizational culture and management style. Between those two research projects, not all of the statements would be relevant for our research, so we will highlight the ones that can give us some answers about the reason of a higher suicide rate in France Telecom than in Claro even though both are competing in the same sector. 1. Means vs Goal oriented culture This first aspect is directly related to the effectiveness of the organization. Hence, in a means oriented culture, people identify with the â€Å"how†, in other words, how they will carry on a project, while in a goal oriented culture, people identify with the â€Å"what†, that is to say that they need to achieve a specific task or results within the organization. According to our research, we can say that Claro (Colombia) is a means oriented culture while France Telecom (France) is a goal oriented culture, the â€Å"what† and the obsession of achieving goals no matter how, gives stress and pressure to the employee. â€Æ' 2. Internally driven vs externally driven With this aspect, the idea of satisfaction is not about the employee, but about the customer. In an internally driven culture, honesty and business ethics matters, while in an externally culture, the only important thing is to meet the customers’ requirements. In Colombia, the employee feel like that if they r... ...anagement orders, while the solar system tends to have an impersonal bureaucracy and a high individualism within the different management levels. 8. Deal vs relationship management In deal-oriented cultures, managers tend to focus on the task and on the project itself and want to keep the head down to business. At the extreme, some of those managers may even avoid discussions with their employees. France is a good example of deal oriented culture; indeed, managers care more about business than about people. On the other hand, in a relationship oriented culture, as it is in Colombia, managers care more about people and put value on relation with them. It is important for managers to build a trustworthy relationship with their employees and to get to know each of them in order to understand how each of them work and therefore create a nice atmosphere within the team.

Blood Promise Chapter Twenty-Three

Unfortunately, I couldn't remember where I'd felt it before. Considering everything else that had been happening to me, the fact that I'd even recalled it at all was remarkable. My memories were a little scattered, but I did my best to sift through them, wondering where I had experienced that tickling in my brain. I received no answers, and pondering it all soon became as frustrating as coming up with an escape plan. And as more time passed, I realized I really did need an escape plan. The endorphin withdrawal was killing me, but I was thinking more and more clearly as the effects left my system. I was astonished at how out of it I'd let myself become. As soon as I'd allowed Dimitri to bite me†¦ I'd fallen apart. I'd lost my higher reasoning. I'd lost my strength and skills. I'd become soft and silly and stupid. Well, not entirely. If I'd completely lost it, I'd be a Strigoi now. There was some comfort, at least, in knowing that even while high on bites, some part of me had still fought through and refused to succumb. Knowing I wasn't as entirely weak as I'd believed helped keep me going. It made it easier to ignore the yearning in my body, to distract myself with bad TV and eating all the food in the little refrigerator. I even stayed awake for a long time in the hopes of exhausting myself. It worked, and I crashed as soon as I hit the pillow, drifting into a dreamless sleep with no withdrawal effects. I was awakened later when a body slid into bed beside me. I opened my eyes and stared right into Dimitri's red ones. For the first time in days, I looked at him with fear, not love. I kept that off my face, though, and smiled at him. I reached out and touched his face. â€Å"You're back. I missed you.† He caught my hand and kissed my palm. â€Å"I had things to do.† The shadows shifted on his face, and I caught the tiniest glimpse of dried blood near his mouth. Grimacing, I rubbed it off with my finger. â€Å"So I see.† â€Å"It's the natural order, Rose. How are you feeling?† â€Å"Better. Except†¦Ã¢â‚¬  â€Å"What?† I looked away, conflicted again. The look in his eyes just then was more than simple curiosity. There was concern there-only a little-but it was there. Concern for me. And yet only a moment ago, I'd wiped blood from his face-blood from some poor person whose life had been snuffed out within the last few hours, most likely. â€Å"I was in Lissa's head,† I said at last. There was no harm in telling him this. Like Nathan, he knew she was at the Academy. â€Å"And†¦ I got pushed out.† â€Å"Pushed out?† â€Å"Yeah†¦ I was seeing through her eyes like I usually do, and then some force†¦ I don't know, an invisible hand shoved me out. I've never felt anything like it.† â€Å"Maybe it's a new spirit ability.† â€Å"Maybe. Except, I've been watching her regularly, and I've never seen her practice or even consider anything like that.† He shrugged slightly and put an arm around me. â€Å"Being awakened gives you better senses and accessibility to the world. But it doesn't make you omniscient. I don't know why that happened to you.† â€Å"Clearly not omniscient, or else Nathan wouldn't want information about her so badly. Why is that? Why are the Strigoi fixated on killing the royal lines? We know they've-you've-been doing it, but why? What does it matter? Isn't a victim a victim-especially when plenty of Strigoi used to be royal Moroi?† â€Å"That requires a complicated answer. A large part of hunting Moroi royalty is fear. In your old world, royalty are held above all others. They get the best guardians, the best protection.† Yes, that was certainly true. Lissa had discovered that much at Court. â€Å"If we can still get to them through that, then what does it say? It means no one is safe. It creates fear, and fear makes people do foolish things. It makes them easier prey.† â€Å"That's horrible.† â€Å"Prey or-â€Å" â€Å"Yeah, yeah, I know. Prey or predator.† His eyes narrowed slightly, apparently not liking the interruption. He let it go. â€Å"There's also a benefit to unraveling Moroi leadership. That creates instability, too.† â€Å"Or maybe they'd be better off with a change of leadership,† I said. He gave me another odd look, and I was a bit startled myself. There I was, thinking like Victor Dashkov again. I realized I should just be quiet. I wasn't behaving like my usual scattered and high self. â€Å"What's the rest?† â€Å"The rest†¦Ã¢â‚¬  A smile curved up his lips. â€Å"The rest is prestige. We do it for the glory of it. For the reputation it gives us and the satisfaction of knowing we're responsible for destroying that which others haven't been able to destroy for centuries.† Simple Strigoi nature. Malice, hunting, and death. There didn't need to be any other reasons. Dimitri's gaze moved past me to my bedside table. It was where I took off all my jewelry at night and laid it out. All his gifts were there, glittering like some pirate's treasure. Reaching over me, he lifted up the nazar on its chain. â€Å"You still have this.† â€Å"Yup. Not as pretty as your stuff, though.† Seeing the blue eye reminded me of my mother. I hadn't thought about her in a very long time. Back in Baia, I'd grown to see Olena as a secondary mother, but now†¦ now I kind of wished for my own. Janine Hathaway might not cook and clean, but she was smart and competent. And in some ways, I realized with a start, we thought alike. My traits had come from her, and I knew with certainty that in this situation, she wouldn't have stopped planning escape. â€Å"This I haven't seen before,† Dimitri said. He'd set the nazar back down and picked up the plain silver ring Mark had given me. I hadn't worn it since I was last in the Belikov house and had set it on the table next to the nazar. â€Å"I got it while I was-† I stopped, realizing I hadn't ever brought up my travels before Novosibirsk. â€Å"While you were what?† â€Å"While I was in your hometown. In Baia.† Dimitri was playing with the ring, moving it from fingertip to fingertip, but he paused and glanced over at me when I said the name. â€Å"You were there?† Strangely, we hadn't talked much about that. I'd mentioned Novosibirsk a few times, but that was it. â€Å"I thought that's where you'd be,† I explained. â€Å"I didn't know that Strigoi did their hunting in cities here. I stayed with your family.† His eyes returned to the ring. He continued playing with it, twirling it and rolling it around. â€Å"And?† â€Å"And†¦ they were nice. I liked them. I hung out with Viktoria a lot.† â€Å"Why wasn't she at school?† â€Å"It was Easter.† â€Å"Ah, right. How was she?† â€Å"Fine,† I said quickly. I couldn't bring myself to tell him about that last night with her and Rolan. â€Å"Karolina's good too. She reminds me of you. She really laid into some dhampir guys who were causing trouble.† He smiled again, and it was†¦ nice. I mean, the fangs still made it creepy, but it didn't have that sinister edge I'd come to expect. There was fondness in his face, true affection that startled me. â€Å"I can see Karolina doing that. Did she have her baby yet?† â€Å"Yeah†¦Ã¢â‚¬  I was still a little thrown off by that smile. â€Å"It was a girl. Zoya.† â€Å"Zoya,† he repeated, still not looking at me. â€Å"Not a bad name. How was Sonya?† â€Å"Okay. I didn't see too much of her. She's a little touchy†¦ Viktoria says it's because of the pregnancy.† â€Å"Sonya's pregnant too?† â€Å"Oh. Yeah. Six months, I think.† His smile dimmed a little bit, and he almost seemed concerned. â€Å"I suppose it had to happen sooner or later. Her decisions aren't always as wise as Karolina's. Karolina's children were by choice†¦ I'm guessing Sonya's was a surprise.† â€Å"Yeah. I kind of got that feeling too.† He ticked off the rest of his family members. â€Å"My mother and grandmother?† â€Å"Er, fine. Both of them.† This conversation was becoming increasingly strange. Not only was it the first normal one we'd had since I'd arrived, it was also the first time he'd really seemed interested in anything that wasn't Strigoi related or that didn't involve kissing and biting, aside from some reminiscing about our early fights together-and the teasing reminders of sex in the cabin. â€Å"Your grandmother scared me a little.† He laughed, and I flinched. It was so, so close to his old laugh. Closer than I'd ever imagined it could be. â€Å"Yes, she does that to people.† â€Å"And she pretended not to speak English.† That was a pretty small detail in the grand scheme of things, but it still kind of pissed me off. â€Å"Yes, she does that too.† He continued smiling, voice fond. â€Å"Do they all still live together? In that same house?† â€Å"Yup. I saw the books you told me about. The pretty ones-but I couldn't read them.† â€Å"That's where I first got into American westerns.† â€Å"Man, I loved making fun of you over those.† He chuckled. â€Å"Yes, between that, your stereotypes about Eastern European music, and the whole ? ®comrade' thing, you had plenty of material.† I laughed too. â€Å"? ®Comrade' and the music were kind of out of line.† I'd almost forgotten about my old nickname for him. It didn't fit anymore. â€Å"But you brought the cowboy thing on yourself, between the leather duster and-† I stopped. I'd started to mention his duty to help those in need, but that was hardly the case anymore. He didn't notice my lapse. â€Å"And then you left them and came to Novosibirsk?† â€Å"Yeah. I came with those dhampirs I was hunting with†¦ those other unpromised ones. I almost didn't, though. Your family wanted me to stay. I thought about doing it.† Dimitri held the ring up to the light, face shadowed with thought. He sighed. â€Å"You probably should have.† â€Å"They're good people.† â€Å"They are,† he said softly. â€Å"You might have been happy there.† Reaching over, he set the ring back on the table and then turned to me, bringing our mouths together. It was the softest, sweetest kiss he'd given me as a Strigoi, and my already considerable shock increased. The gentleness was fleeting, though, and a few seconds later, our kissing returned to what it usually was, forceful and hungry. I had a feeling he was hungry for more than just kissing, too, despite having fed recently. Pushing aside my confusion over how†¦ well, normal and kind he'd seemed while talking about his family, I tried to figure out how I was going to dodge more biting without raising suspicion. My body was still weak and wanting it, but in my head, I felt more like myself than I had in ages. Dimitri pulled up from the kiss, and I blurted out the first thing that came to mind before he could do anything else. â€Å"What's it like?† â€Å"What's what like?† â€Å"Kissing.† He frowned. Score one for me. I'd momentarily baffled an undead creature of the night. Sydney would be proud. â€Å"What do you mean?† â€Å"You said being awakened enhances all the senses. Is kissing different then?† â€Å"Ah.† Understanding flashed over his features. â€Å"It is, kind of. My sense of smell is stronger than it used to be, so your scent comes through much more intensely†¦ your sweat, the shampoo in your hair†¦ it's beyond what you can imagine. Intoxicating. And of course, sharper taste and touch make this better.† He leaned down and kissed me again, and something about his description made my insides queasy-in a good way. That wasn't supposed to happen. My hope was to distract him-not myself. â€Å"When we were outside the other night, the flowers were really strong. If they're strong to me, are they overwhelming to you? I mean, do the scents get to be too much?† And so it began. I bombarded him with as many questions as I could, asking him about all aspects of Strigoi life. I wanted to know what it was like, how he felt†¦ I asked everything with curiosity and enthusiasm, biting my lip and turning thoughtful at all the right places. I could see his interest grow as I spoke, though his attitude was brisk and efficient-in no way resembling our earlier affectionate conversation. He was hoping that I was finally on the verge of agreeing to turn. As the questioning continued, so also did my outward signs of fatigue. I yawned a lot, lost my train of thought a lot. Finally, I rubbed my eyes with my hands and yawned again. â€Å"There's so much I didn't know†¦ still don't know†¦Ã¢â‚¬  â€Å"I told you it was amazing.† Honestly, some of it was. Most of it was creepy as hell, but if you got over the whole undead and evil thing, there were definitely some perks to being Strigoi. â€Å"I have more questions,† I murmured. I closed my eyes and sighed, then opened them as though forcing myself to stay awake. â€Å"But†¦ I'm so tired†¦ I still don't feel good. You don't think I have a concussion, do I?† â€Å"No. And once you're awakened, it won't matter anyway.† â€Å"But not until you answer the rest of my questions.† The words were muffled in a yawn, but he understood. It took him a while to respond. â€Å"Okay. Not until then. But time is running out. I told you that before.† I let my lids drift closed then. â€Å"But it's not the second day yet†¦Ã¢â‚¬  â€Å"No,† he said quietly. â€Å"Not yet.† I lay there, steadying my breathing as much as I could. Would my act work? It was highly possible he would still drink from me even if he thought I was asleep. I was taking a gamble here. One bite, and all my work to fight the withdrawal would be wasted. I'd reset to how I'd been. As it was, I had no clue how I was going to dodge a bite next time†¦ but then, I didn't think there'd be a next time. I'd be a Strigoi by then. Dimitri lay beside me for a few more minutes, and then I felt him move. Inside, I braced myself. Damn. Here it came. The bite. I'd been certain that our kissing was part of the allure of him drinking from me and that if I just fell asleep, the allure would be gone. Apparently not. All my pretending was for nothing. It was all over. But it wasn't. He got up and left. When I heard the door close, I almost thought it was a scam. I thought for sure he was trying to fake me out and still actually stood in the room. Yet when I felt the Strigoi nausea fade, I realized the truth. He really had left me, thinking I needed to sleep. My act had been convincing. I immediately sat up, turning a few different things over in my mind. In that last bit of his visit, he'd seemed†¦ well, he'd reminded me more than ever of the old Dimitri. Sure, he'd still been Strigoi through and through, but there'd been something else. A bit of warmth to his laugh. Sincere interest and affection upon hearing about his family. Had that been it? Had hearing news of his family triggered some piece of his soul buried within the monster? I confess, I felt a little jealous at the thought that they might have wrought the change in him that I couldn't. But he'd still had that same warmth in talking about us, just a little†¦ No, no. I had to stop this. There was no change. No reversal of his state. It was wishful thinking, and the more I regained my old self, the more I realized the truth of the situation. Dimitri's actions had made me recall something. I'd completely forgotten about Oksana's ring. I picked it up from the table and slipped it on my finger. I felt no noticeable change, but if the healing magic was still in it, it might help me. It could expedite my body and mind healing from the withdrawal. If any of Lissa's darkness was bleeding into me, the ring could help dampen that, too. I sighed. No matter how often I told myself I was free of her, I never would be. She was my best friend. We were connected in a way that few could understand. The denial I'd been living under lifted. I regretted my actions with Adrian now. He'd come to me for help, and I'd thrown his kindness back in his face. Now I was bereft of communication with the outside world. And thinking of Lissa reminded me again of what had happened earlier when I'd been in her mind. What had pushed me out? I hesitated, pondering my course of action. Lissa was far away and possibly in trouble. Dimitri and the other Strigoi were here. But†¦ I couldn't walk away quite yet. I had to take one more look at her, just a quick one†¦ I found her in an unexpected place. She was with Deirdre, a counselor on campus. Lissa had been seeing a counselor ever since spirit had begun manifesting, but it had been someone else. Expanding my senses to Lissa's thoughts, I read the story: Her counselor had left shortly after the school's attack. Lissa had been reassigned to Deirdre-who had once counseled me when everyone thought I was going crazy over Mason's death. Deirdre was a very polished-looking Moroi, always meticulously dressed with her blond hair styled to perfection. She didn't look much older than us, and with me, her counseling method had resembled a police interrogation. With Lissa, she was more gentle. It figured. â€Å"Lissa, we're a little worried about you. Normally, you would have been suspended. I actually stopped that from happening. I keep feeling like there's something going on that you aren't telling me. Some other issue.† Lissa suspended? I again reached in to read the situation and found it. Last night, Lissa and others had been busted for breaking into the library of all places and having an impromptu party complete with alcohol and destruction to some of the property. Good God. My best friend needed to join AA. Lissa's arms were crossed, her demeanor almost combative. â€Å"There's no issue. We were just trying to have fun. I'm sorry for the damage. If you want to suspend me, go ahead.† Deirdre shook her head. â€Å"That's not my decision. My concern is the why here. I know you used to suffer from depression and other problems because of your, ah, magic. But this feels more like some kind of rebellion.† Rebellion? Oh, it was more than that. Since their fight, Lissa had been unable to find Christian, and it was killing her. She couldn't handle downtime now. All she thought about was him-or me. Partying and risk taking were the only things that could distract her from us. â€Å"Students do this stuff all the time,† argued Lissa. â€Å"Why is it a big deal for me?† â€Å"Well, because you put yourself in danger. After the library, you were on the verge of breaking into the pool. Swimming while intoxicated is definite cause for alarm.† â€Å"Nobody drowned. Even if someone had started to, I'm sure that between all of us, we could have pulled them out.† â€Å"It's just alarming, considering some of the self-destructive behaviors you once exhibited, like the cutting†¦Ã¢â‚¬  So it went for the next hour, and Lissa did as good a job as I used to in dodging Deirdre's questions. When the session ended, Deirdre said she wasn't going to recommend disciplinary action. She wanted Lissa back for more counseling. Lissa would have actually preferred detention or cleaning boards. As she stalked furiously across campus, she spotted Christian going in the opposite direction. Hope lit the blackness of her mind like sunshine. â€Å"Christian!† she yelled, running up to him. He stopped, giving her a wary look. â€Å"What do you want?† â€Å"What do you mean what do I want?† She wanted to throw herself in his arms and have him tell her everything would be okay. She was upset and overwhelmed and filled with darkness†¦ but there was a piece of vulnerability there that desperately needed him. â€Å"I haven't been able to find you.† â€Å"I've just been†¦Ã¢â‚¬  His face darkened. â€Å"I don't know. Thinking. Besides, from what I hear, you haven't been too bored.† No surprise everyone knew about last night's fiasco. That kind of thing spread like wildfire thanks to the Academy's gossip mill. â€Å"It was nothing,† she said. The way he regarded her made her heart ache. â€Å"That's the thing,† he said. â€Å"Everything's nothing lately. All your partying. Making out with other guys. Lying.† â€Å"I haven't been lying!† she exclaimed. â€Å"And when are you going to get over Aaron?† â€Å"You aren't telling me the truth. It's the same thing.† It was an echo of Jill's sentiment. Lissa barely knew her and was really starting to hate her. â€Å"I just can't handle this. I can't be a part of you going back to your days of being a royal girl doing crazy stunts with your other royal friends.† Here's the thing. If Lissa had elaborated on her feelings more, on just how much her guilt and depression were eating her up and making her spin out of control†¦ well, I think Christian would have been there for her in an instant. Despite his cynical exterior, he had a good heart-and Lissa owned most of it. Or used to. Now all he could see was her being silly and shallow and returning to a lifestyle he despised. â€Å"I'm not!† she exclaimed. â€Å"I'm just†¦ I don't know. It just feels good to sort of let loose.† â€Å"I can't do it,† he said. â€Å"I can't be with you if that's your life now.† Her eyes went wide. â€Å"Are you breaking up with me?† â€Å"I'm†¦ I don't know. Yeah, I guess.† Lissa was so consumed by the shock and horror of this that she didn't really see Christian the way I did, didn't see the agony in his eyes. It destroyed him to have to do this. He was hurting too, and all he saw was the girl he loved changing and becoming someone he couldn't be with. â€Å"Things aren't the way they used to be.† â€Å"You can't do that,† she cried. She didn't see his pain. She saw him as being cruel and unfair. â€Å"We need to talk about this-figure it out-â€Å" â€Å"The time for talking's past,† he argued. â€Å"You should have been ready to talk sooner-not now, not when things suddenly aren't going your way.† Lissa didn't know whether she wanted to scream or cry. She just knew she couldn't lose Christian-not after losing me, too. If she lost both of us, there was nothing left for her in the world. â€Å"Please, don't do this,† she begged. â€Å"I can change.† â€Å"I'm sorry,† he snapped. â€Å"I just don't see any evidence of that.† He turned and abruptly walked away. To her, his departure was harsh and cold. But again, I'd seen the anguish in his eyes. I think he left because he knew if he stayed, he wasn't going to be able to go through with this decision-this decision that hurt but that he felt was right. Lissa started to go after him when a hand suddenly pulled her back. She turned and saw Avery and Adrian standing there. From the looks on their faces, they'd overheard everything. â€Å"Let him go,† said Adrian gravely. He'd been the one to grab her. He dropped his hand and laced his fingers through Avery's. â€Å"Going after him now's just going to make it worse. Give him his space.† â€Å"He can't do this,† said Lissa. â€Å"He can't do this to me.† â€Å"He's upset,† said Avery, her concern mirroring Adrian's. â€Å"He isn't thinking straight. Wait for him to cool off, and he'll come around.† Lissa stared off after Christian's retreating figure, her heart breaking. â€Å"I don't know. I don't know if he will. Oh God. I can't lose him.† My own heart broke. I wanted so badly to go to her, to comfort her and be there for her. She felt so alone, and I felt horrible for leaving her. Something had pushed her into this downward spiral, and I should have been there to help her out of it. That was what best friends did. I needed to be there. Lissa turned back and looked at Avery. â€Å"I'm so confused†¦ I don't know what to do.† Avery met her eyes, but when she did†¦ the strangest thing happened. Avery wasn't looking at her. She was looking at me. Oh jeez. Not you again. The voice rang in my head, and snap! I was out of Lissa. There it was, the mental shove, the brush of my mind and waves of hot and cold. I stared around my room, shocked at how abrupt the transition had been. Yet I'd learned something. I knew then that Lissa hadn't been the one to shove me out before or now. Lissa had been too distracted and too distraught. The voice? That hadn't been hers either. And then, I finally remembered where I'd felt that brushing touch in my head. Oksana. It was the same sensation I'd experienced when she had reached out to my mind, trying to get a feel for my moods and intentions, an action that both she and Mark admitted was invasive and wrong if you weren't bonded to someone. Carefully, I replayed what had just happened with Lissa. Once again, I saw those last few moments. Blue-gray eyes staring at me-me, not Lissa. Lissa hadn't pushed me out of her head. Avery had.