Social Work And Assessment To Framework Social Work Essay

Social Work And Assessment To Framework Social Work Essay Assessments have been a key element to the social work practice and we have seen many changes and developments within assessments over the years. The Childrens Act 1989 and other legislation such as Criminal Justice Act 1991 and NHS and Community Care Act 1990 all contributed towards the changes made within the assessment process. The objective has been refined based on two key factors. First being the public enquiries that indentified shortcomings in legislations, policy and practices within social work and secondly the governments agenda for modernisation. (Wilson, et al.2008). Historically the objective of assessments was primarily to consider the risks factors to children and families in accordance to legislation. However, since the framework for assessments was introduced in 2000, practitioners have been steered towards evaluating not only risks, but also needs and strengths of service users. Assessments are carried out to help both service users and Social Workers identify and understand the nature, rationale and degree of professional involvement. Although there are numerous definitions of assessments from social work academics, however, there is no one conclusive definition. Coulshed and Orme define assessments as; An on-going process, in which the client participates, the purpose of which is to understand how people relate to their environment; it is a basis for planning what needs to be done to maintain, improve or bring about change in the person, the environment, or both. (Coulshed and Orme, 1998, pp21). There is a debate amongst academics as to whether assessments are an art or a science; Bradley and Parker (2007) have explored the different assessment definitions and have concluded: A balance approach would suggest that social work assessment is both an art and a science since it involves wisdom, skills, appreciation of diversity and systematic applied knowledge in practice. (Parker and Bradley, 2007, p4) Although there are many definitions of assessments the objective remains the same, it is to identify needs and have a plan of interventions, which meets the objectives of all concerned. Assessments are a working document that can be legally binding, which need assessing, reviewing and planning. Assessments are a systematic process that include various components and involve methods such as, gathering of information, analysing objectively, collaborating with service users and other professionals including sharing of information with colleagues, assessing the eligibility and recording information accurately. (Thompson Thompson, 2008). There are many vital interpersonal and communication skills that are required when gathering information such as, good listening skills and have the ability to observe and absorb information correctly. Pamela Trevithick (2005) emphasise on the importance of verbal and none verbal communication, as well as listening and observation skills, before embarking on the assessment process. (Trevithick, 2005). Assessments are not just about gathering information, but are about having the ability and knowledge to make correct judgments and analyse objectively. Milner and O Byrne (2009) suggest that when analysing data, social workers will use knowledge and the theoretical perspectives which have been identified to expand their analysis. ( Milner and OByrne, 2009). In addition, upon analysing information consideration must be given to service users social, economical, cultural and ethnic background. Although assessment involve making informed judgement, it is vital to assess an individual need in relation to their environment. Milner and OByrne (2002) stress that it is crucial while making judgements social workers must avoid any form discrimination, such as labelling or judging peoples behaviour according to common stereotypes. Assessments are not a one way dialogue but rather a joint venture between service user and social worker. Although there can be the issue of power imbalance, it is crucial that there remains a shared power relationship whenever possible. Middleton (1997) has emphasised the importance of respecting individuality of service user during the assessment process, so that it can empower and help them manage and identify their individual strengths. In addition it is essential that social workers build a good relationship with service users, as they, must collaborate and share information with other agencies. There has been a heightened awareness that multi agencies collaboration is vital; however there are many barriers which have often contributed to the lack of communication between agencies. Sharkey (2000) has noted the underlying causes as being the different structure and values of the individual organisation. Social workers undertake assessments on behalf of the local authority therefore; eligibility depends upon a few factors, which include, need, the organisations criteria, resources and funding. Throughout the entire assessment process social workers must keep clear and accurate records of all the work undertaken and their findings. Social work assessments can be broken down into two types, one which is on-going and will change according to need and information, and the second being specific to the issues and will be limited to a particular time. However, these two components will often exist simultaneously in most assessments. Coulshed and Orme (2006) clarify that assessments are not a one off practice but are a process that continues even after a piece of work has been carried out. An on-going assessment process could be the result of subsequent changes that may occur in the service users life, and then responded to accordingly. By implementing this method of practice it ensures that the service users needs are adequately assessed and evaluated at all times. Pincus and Minahan (1973) have described assessment as a process that can be altered and adapted after obtaining new information and data, enabling the assessor to reassess the situation and review the effectiveness of their chosen cause of action. (Pinus and Minahan, 1973). Assessments that are carried out for a specific issues and are time limited, such as a court report or a case conference, are usually conducted in accordance to legal obligations. This formula is focussed on making judgements and identifying what is needed and how it can be achieved. This may not always be an accurate presentation of the service user life and may not hold any relevance in the future, but will target the issue within a particular the timescale. Furthermore, the level of assessment can be determined through the two types of assessments mentioned and by identifying the need and response levels of intervention, will give the service user a well structured and focussed base service. The importance of carrying out assessments is widely recognised in the area of social work practice and is a fundamental component in professional interventions. By carrying out assessments effectively and systematically, there are more chances of interventions to prove to be successful. At the heart of an excellent assessment there is careful planning, evaluating and applying appropriate professional involvement. Sutton (1999) has emphasised on the nature of assessment process with the ASPIRE model, Assessment, Planning, Intervention, Review and Evaluation. It is important that when discussing assessments, to be aware that this is not a singular action, but is also complemented by good interpersonal and communication skills. Due to the significance assessments have in social work practice, it is vital that the entire process is carried out with an objective and factual thought process. As inadequate preparation can lead to a catastrophic results as we have seen over the years.

Analysing The Women Rights In Egypt Sociology Essay

Analysing The Women Rights In Egypt Sociology Essay The term womens right refers to freedoms and entitlements of women and girls of all ages. These rights may or may not be institutionalized, ignored or suppressed by law, local custom, and behavior in a particular society. These liberties are grouped together and differentiated from broader notions of human rights because they often differ from the freedoms inherently possessed by or recognized for men and boys and because activists for this issue claim an inherent historical and traditional bias against the exercise of rights by women and girls. Issues commonly associated with notions of womens rights include, though are not limited to, the right: to bodily integrity and autonomy; to vote (suffrage); to hold public office; to work; to fair wages or equal pay; to own property; to education; to serve in the military or be conscripted; to enter into legal contracts; and to have marital, parental and religious rights. Women and their supporters have campaigned and in some places continue to campaign for the same rights as men. Women in ancient Egyptian: In ancient Egypt, womens rights reached a level that has rarely been equaled in any civilization right up to modern times. This was unusual in the ancient world and led to condemnation from neighboring states. Rather than being seen as the weaker sex, women were often portrayed as being just as violence as men.   Queens are shown crushing their enemies; executing prisoners and firing arrows at male opponents in battle. Women were also treated the same under criminal law and would suffer the same punishments as men for their crimes, including being executed if convicted of a capital offence.   However if it was found the offender was pregnant then her execution was delayed until after the birth. Although most official posts were given to men, women were known to hold high office.   There were female overseers, governors and judges and at least one, Queen Hetepheres II, ran the civil service.   Two women were given the role of vizier (prime minister), the highest administrative position and six even achieved the title of pharaoh. Women from poorer families were also free to find work and were often employed in traditional female roles such as maids, nannies and midwives.   According to Joseph Perkins of Minnesota State University, some are known to have started small businesses out of their homes often considerably increasing the family income through making and selling products such as linen or perfume.   Professional opportunities were also available to some women, such as director of dance and even physicians.   Female doctors are known to have been skilled enough to perform caesarean sections and to surgically remove cancerous breasts. The suffrage awarded to women allowed them to enjoy a high level of financial freedom.   Possessions, property and debt acquired by a woman through labour or inheritance was seen as separate from her husband and if she became a widow, she was entitled to inherit one third of the property they jointly owned, with the rest divided between the late husbands children and siblings. Despite their freedoms, Egyptian women were most commonly bestowed with the title of Lady of the House and were expected to run the home and bear children.   For poorer families, large numbers of offspring were necessary to provide extra sources of labour and income but for the wealthy few.   With both male and female servants to tend to daily chores and child rearing, richer women spent much of their time in leisure pursuits like listening to music, taking care of their pets, playing board games, eating good food and drinking fine wines. It is as mothers, sisters, wives and daughters to pharaohs, that royal women were most influential to the state.  Pharaohs also had a host of minor wives, who often were able to wield some influence and as succession did not necessarily go to the eldest son, they had the opportunity to become mother to a pharaoh. Pharaohs would often have a host of women known as Ornaments of the King who were chosen for their beauty and employed to entertain with singing and dancing.   Although this seems more in keeping with treatment of women elsewhere, in Egypt, they were important participants in court life and were active in royal functions, state events and religious ceremonies. Women often played a key role in the priesthood with royal women holding the title Gods Wife, a position of great political significance second only to the pharaoh, for whom they sometimes stood in.   Female priestesses also played a significant role in the religious life of ancient Egypt, participating alongside men in rituals, earning a living as professional mourners and sometimes acting as funerary priests. As warriors, intellectuals, priestesses, political figures and even rulers, the women of ancient Egypt enjoyed a large degree of suffrage.   Many had the opportunity to advance themselves to an extent that was not achieved again until the twentieth century and a financial equality that many women still fight for to this day. Women in Egypt now a day: Rural and lower-class Egyptians generally believed that women were related to men. Women were expected to be under control of male relatives, to avoid contact with men who were not from the family, and to veil themselves in public. As children women learned to accept dependency on their fathers and older brothers. After marriage women expected their husbands to make all decisions. Early married life could be a time of extreme subordination and insecurity. The new wife usually lived with or near her husbands family and was expected to help her mother-in-law in the house. A young wife was under pressure from her husband and his family until she gets pregnant. Barrenness was a womans worst possible misfortune, and not giving birth to a son was almost as bad. Women who had only daughters were called mothers of brides. Most families continued having children until they had at least one son. As the womans gets married, and her sons matured, her position in the family grew more secure. The sexual behavior and reputation of the women of a line age were the most important components of a familys honor. A bad reputation for one woman meant a bad reputation for the whole line age. Honor was essential to social life; without it even a minimal social standing in the community was impossible. Men were especially interested in maintaining honor. Women were always on their best behavior around men from other families because they were afraid of getting a bad reputation. A bad reputation could disgrace the men of her family. A disgraced husband could restore his status, however, through divorce. Most disgraced fathers and brothers in rural and lower-class urban families, however, believed that honor could only be restored by killing the daughter or sister suspected of sexual misconduct. Family members who murdered the women were prepared to accept legal penalties for their actions. Women have traditionally been preoccupied with household tasks and child rearing and have rarely had opportunities for contact with men outside the family. But since the 1952 Revolution, social changes, especially in education, have caused many women to spend time in public places among men who were not related to them. To limit womens contact with these men, practices such as veiling and gender segregation at schools, work, and recreation have become commonplace. Furthermore, lower-class families, especially in Upper Egypt, have tended to withdraw girls from school as they reached puberty to minimize their interaction with men. Lower-class men frequently preferred marriage to women who had been secluded rather than to those who had worked or attended secondary school. Egypts laws pertaining to marriage and divorce favored the social position of men. Muslim husbands were traditionally allowed to have up to four wives at a time in accordance with Islamic religious custom, but a woman could have only one husband at a time. A Muslim man could divorce his wife with ease by saying I divorce thee on three separate occasions in the presence of witnesses. A woman wishing to dissolve a marriage had to instigate legal proceedings and prove to a court that her husband had failed to support her or that his behavior was having a harmful moral effect on the family. The laws required men to support their ex-wives for only one year after a divorce, and the fathers gained custody of the children. A man faced few or no penalties if he refused to provide equal support to his wives or if he refused to pay alimony to his divorced wife. Divorce was much more difficult for Copts than it was for Muslims. Common law regulated the marriages and divorces of Copts. A new law reversed many of the rights accorded to women in 1979. A woman lost her automatic right to divorce her husband if he married a second wife. She could still petition a court to consider her case, but a judge would grant a divorce only if it were in the interests of the family. If a divorce were granted, the judge would also determine what an appropriate residence was for the divorced woman and her children. Since the early 1970s, womens status has been changing, mostly because an increasing number of women have joined the nonagricultural workforce. According to government estimates, the number of working women doubled from 500,000 to 1 million between 1978 and 1980. By 1982 women accounted for 14 percent of all wage-earning and salaried employees throughout the country. Although substantial numbers of women were in the professions, particularly education, engineering, and medicine, most women held low-paying jobs in factories, offices, and service industries. Half of all employed women held jobs such as street cleaners, janitors, hotel and domestic servants, and hospital aides. In 1990 women accounted for more than 12 percent of all industrial workers; most female factory workers were in textiles, food processing, and pharmaceuticals. Strategy and Proposal 1-Reasons for choosing the topic: My main reason for choosing this topic to be my documentary because a lot of people didnt know what is the women right and how the women in the ancient Egyptians having a very high position were and was much honored at that time. Today a lot of men are knowing that women having all their rights and even more than they deserve. In addition, this documentary will be exposing the different between the women in ancient Egyptian which she was having all her rights and even more, and the women now a day in Egypt which she suffering and fight to get her minimum rights in living a good life. Women were having their rights in the old ancient Egyptian era from 7000 years ago but now in the post modernity era the women still fighting and suffering to get their right. If we compare us to other Arab countries, we are behind. Other countries are going forward like in Yemen has judges, Sudan has judges; the general prosecutor in Syria is a woman. For that reason its important to discuss this topic to let all people from men women and teenagers know the rights for women and what could she do to asking for her rights. 2-Message of the documentary: The main message from this documentary is to raise awareness of men about the women right to know how to treat them and may be trying to help women to get their rights. Also, to raise awareness of women and girls because they should know their rights which Qassem Amen and Huda Saharawi fight to gutted for them. Also, to know that women rights were settled from the great ancient Egyptian era not only when Qassem Amen wrote about it, in ancient Egyptian era women were having their all rights so all women and girls should take them their leaders and do like them or try to be like them and get their rights. 3-Target audience: The main target audience related to this documentary is women , ages from 25 to 45who suffering from being treated badly or didnt get their rights that they deserves. The young girls, ages from 18 to 24, who are not knowing their history or their rights and they going to graduated and starting their carrier life. They should decide what they want to be like their great ancient Egyptian women or give up and dont get their rights. Also, men, ages from 25 to 45, they should know what women right is and to know how to treat women. 4-Expected interviews: Random peoples opinion about women rights to know what they know about it. People who are working in women rights to help us to know more about what women right is. Egyptian writer wrote about women right in ancient Egyptian era to elaborate how they got their rights. Interview with Mona Helmy an Egyptian journalist who wrote a lot of articles about women write now a day. 5-shooting places: Shots for women infront of courts trying to get their rights. Shots for Doctor Mona Helmy in her office. Shots for seminars about women rights. Shots for people in the streets. 6-Sequence of the documentary: The documentary will start by showing some footages for ancient Egyptian women queens and gods Then some other footage for women in Egypt suffering infront of courts trying to get their rights. Then an Egyptology will talk about how the women in ancient Egyptian getting their rights Then the documentary will then proceed giving peoples opinion about women rights now a day. Then the Egyptian Dr Mona Helmy will discuss the women rights now a day. Finally, will telling the people how to try learning from our Egyptian civilization and let the women get their minimum rights. 7-Visual list: The documentary will include some footages of 8-Question of the documentary: Random people in the street: What did you know about women rights? Do you know any thing about women rights in ancient Egyptian era? Did you think women take all her rights? Do you think women could be a judge or not and why? Random women infront of court: What is your case? Did the low help you in getting your right quickly? Did you think you have all your rights? Dr.Mona Helmy: What is your opinion about women today in Egypt? Did she get all her wrights? Did your article about women rights do something for women? In your opinion, what should the Egyptian women do to get all her rights? 9-Script of the documentary: video audio Situation Analysis 1-Background of the topic: Women in ancient Egyptian: An exception to most other ancient societies, Egyptian women achieved parity with Egyptian men. They enjoyed the same legal and economic rights, at least in theory, and this concept can be found in Egyptian art and contemporary manuscripts. The disparities between peoples legal rights were based on differences in social class and not on gender. Legal and economic rights were afforded to both men and women. Egyptian womens rights extended to all legally defined areas of Egyptian civilization. Women could manage, own, and sell private property, which included slaves, land, portable goods, servants, livestock, and money. Women could resolve legal settlements. Women could conclude any kind of legal settlement. Women could appear as a contracting partner in a marriage contract or a divorce contract; they could execute testaments; they could free slaves; women could make adoptions. Women were entitled to sue at law. This amount of freedom was at variance with that of the Greek women who required a designated male, called a kourios, to represent or stand for her in all legal contracts and proceedings. This male was her husband, father or brother. An Egyptian woman could acquire possessions in many ways. She could receive it as gifts or as an inheritance from her parents or husband. Or she could receive it from purchases with goods which she earned either through employment, or which she borrowed. A woman had claims to up to one-third of all the community property in her marriage. Womens legal rights: The Egyptian womans rights extended to all the legally defined areas of society. From the bulk of the legal documents, we know that women could manage and dispose of private property, including: land, portable goods, servants, slaves, livestock, and money (when it existed), as well as financial instruments (i.e., endowments and annuities). A woman could administer all her property independently and according to her free will. She could conclude any kind of legal settlement. She could appear as a contracting partner in a marriage contract or a divorce contract; she could execute testaments; she could free slaves; she could make adoptions. She was entitled to sue at law. It is highly significant that a woman in Egypt could do all of the above and initiate litigation in court freely without the need of a male representative. This amount of freedom was at variance with that of the Greek woman who required a designated male, called a kourios, to represent or stand for her in all legal con tracts and proceedings. This male was her husband, father or brother. Womens property rights: There were several ways for an Egyptian woman to acquire possessions and real property. Most frequently, she received it as gifts or as an inheritance from her parents or husband, or else, she received it through purchaseswith goods which she earned either through employment, or which she borrowed. Under Egyptian property law, a woman had claim to one-third of all the community property in her marriage, i.e. the property which accrued to her husband and her only after they were married. When a woman brought her own private property to a marriage (e.g., as a dowry), this apparently remained hers, although the husband often had the free use of it. However, in the event of divorce her property had to be returned to her, in addition to any divorce settlement that might be stipulated in the original marriage contract. A wife was entitled to inherit one-third of that community property on the death of her husband, while the other two-thirds was divided among the children, followed up by the brothers and sisters of the deceased. To circumvent this possibility and to enable life to receive either a larger part of the share, or to allow her to dispose of all the property, a husband could do several things: 1) In the Middle Kingdom, he could draw up an imyt-pr, a house document, which was a legal unilateral deed for donating property. As a living will, it was made and perhaps executed while the husband was still alive. In this will, the husband would assign to his wife what he wished of his own private property, i.e., what he acquired before his marriage. An example of this is the imyt-pr of Wah from el-Lahun. 2) If there were no children, and the husband did not wish his brothers and sisters to receive two-thirds of the community property, he could legally adopt his wife as his child and heir and bequeath all the property to her. Even if he had other children, he could still adopt his wife, so that, as his one of his legal offspring, she would receive some of the two-thirds share, in addition to her normal one-third share of the community property. A woman was free to bequeath property from her husband to her children or even to her own brothers and sisters (unless there was some stipulation against such in her husbands will). One papyrus tells us how a childless woman, who after she inherited her husbands estate, raised the three illegitimate children who were born to him and their female household slave (such liaisons were fairly common in the Egyptian household and seem to have borne no social stigma). She then married the eldest illegitimate step-daughter to her younger brother, whom she adopted as her son, that they might receive the entire inheritance. A woman could also freely disinherit children of her private property, i.e., the property she brought to her marriage or her share of the community property. She could selectively bequeath that property to certain children and not to others. Such action is recorded in the Will of Naunakht. Women in contracts: Women in Egypt were consistently concluding contracts, including: marriage and divorce settlements, engagements of wet-nurses, purchases of property, even arrangements for self-enslavement. Self-enslavement in Egypt was actually a form of indentured servitude. Although self-enslavement appears to have been illegal in Egypt, it was practiced by both men and women. To get around the illegality, the servitude was stipulated only for a limited number of years, although it was usually said to be 99 years. Under self-enslavement, women often technically received a salary for their labor. Two reasons for which a woman might be forced into such an arrangement are: (1) as payment to a creditor to satisfy bad debts; (2) to be assured of ones provisions and financial security, for which a person might even pay a monthly fee, as though they were receiving a service. However, this fee would equal the salary that the provider had to pay for her labor; thus, no money would be exchanged. Since this service was a legal institution, then a contract was drawn up stipulating the conditions and the responsibilities of the involved parties. In executing such an arrangement, a woman could also include her children and grandchildren, alive or unborn. One such contract of a woman who bound herself to the temple of Saknebtynis states: The female servant (so so) has said before my master, Saknebtynis, the great god, I am your servant, together with my children and my childrens children. I shall not be free in your precinct forever and ever. You will protect me; you will keep me safe; you will guard me. You will keep me sound; you will protect me from every demon, and I will pay you 1-1/4 kita of copper . . . until the completion of 99 years, and I will give it to your priests monthly. If such women married male slaves, the status of their children depended on the provisions of their contracts with their owners. Women before the bar: Egyptian women had the right to bring lawsuits against anyone in open court, and there was no gender-based bias against them, and we have many cases of women winning their claims. A good example of this fact is found in the Inscription of Mes. This inscription is the actual court record of a long and drawn- out private land dispute which occurred in the New Kingdom. Significantly, the inscription shows usfour things: (1) women could manage property, and they could inherit trusteeship of property; (2) women could institute litigation (and appeal to the court of the vizier); (3) women were awarded legal decisions (and had decisions reversed on appeal); (4) women acted as witnesses before a court of law. However, based upon the Hermopolis Law Code of the third century B.C., the freedom of women to share easily with their male relatives in the inheritance of landed property was perhaps restricted somewhat. According to the provisions of theHermopolis Law Code, where an executor existed, the estate of the deceased was divided up into a number of parcels equal to the number of children of the deceased, both alive and dead. Thereafter, each male child (or that childs heirs), in order of birth, took his pick of the parcels. Only when the males were finished choosing, were the female children permitted to choose their parcels (in chronological order). The male executor was permitted to claim for himself parcels of any children and heirs who predeceased the father without issue. Female executors were designated when there were no sons to function as such. However, the code is specific thatunlike male executorsthey could not claim the parcels of any dead children. Still, it is not appropriate to compare the provisions of the Hermopolis Law Code to the Inscription of Mes, since the latter pertains to the inheritance of an office, i.e., a trusteeship of land, and not to the land itself. Indeed, the system of dividing the estate described in the l aw codeor something similar to it- -might have existed at least as early as the New Kingdom, since the Instructions of Any contains the passage, Do not say, My grandfather has a house. An enduring house, it is called (i.e., dont brag of any future inheritance), for when you take your share with your brothers, your portion may only be a storehouse. Female literacy: It is uncertain, generally, how literate the Egyptian woman was in any period. Baines and Eyre suggest very low figures for the percentage of the literate in the Egypt population, i.e., only about 1% in the Old Kingdom (i.e., 1 in 20 or 30 males). Other Egyptologists would dispute these estimates, seeing instead an amount at about 5-10% of the population. In any event, it is certain that the rate of literacy of Egyptian women was well behind that of men from the Old Kingdom through the Late Period. Lower class women, certainly were illiterate; middle class women and the wives of professional men, perhaps less so. The upper class probably had a higher rate of literate women. In the Old and Middle Kingdoms, middle and upper class women are occasionally found in the textual and archaeological record with administrative titles that are indicative of a literate ability. In the New Kingdom the frequency at which these titles occur declines significantly, suggesting an erosion in the rate of female literacy at that time (let alone the freedom to engage in an occupation). However, in a small number of tomb representations of the New Kingdom, certain noblewomen are associated with scribal palettes, suggesting a literate ability. Women are also recorded as the senders and recipients of a small number of letters in Egypt (5 out of 353). However, in these cases we cannot be certain that they personally penned or read these letters, rather than employed the services of professional scribes. Many royal princesses at court had private tutors, and most likely, these tutors taught them to read and write. Royal women of the Eighteenth Dynasty probably were regularly trained, since many were functioning leaders. Since royal princesses would have been educated, it then seems likely that the daughters of the royal courtiers were similarly educated. In the inscriptions, we occasionally do find titles of female scribes among the middle class from the Middle Kingdom on, especially after the Twenty- sixth Dynasty, when the rate of literacy increased throughout the country. The only example of a female physician in Egypt occurs in the Old Kingdom. Scribal instruction was a necessary first step toward medical training. Women in public: The Egyptian woman in general was free to go about in public; she worked out in the fields and in estate workshops. Certainly, she did not wear a veil, which is first documented among the ancient Assyrians (perhaps reflecting a tradition of the ancient semitic- speaking people of the Syrian and Arabian Deserts). However, it was perhaps unsafe for an Egyptian woman to venture far from her town alone. Ramesses III boasts in one inscription, I enabled the woman of Egypt to go her own way, her journeys being extended where she wanted, without any person assaulting her on the road. A different view of the traveling women is found in the Instructions of Any, Be on your guard against a woman from abroad, who is not known in town, do not have sex with her. So by custom, there might have been a reputation of impiousness or looseness associated with a woman traveling alone in Egypt. Despite the legal freedom of women to travel about, folk custom or tradition may have discouraged that. So, e.g., earlier in the Old Kingdom, Ptahhotep would write, If you desire to make a friendship last in a house to which you have access to its master as a brother or friend in any place where you might enter, beware of approaching the women. It does not go well with a place where that is done. However, the theme of this passage might actually refer to violating personal trust and not the accessibility of women, per se. However, mores and values apparently changed by the New Kingdom. The love poetry of that era, as well as certain letters, are quite frank about the public accessibility and freedom of women. Womens occupations : In general, the work of the upper and middle class woman was limited to the home and the family. This was not due to an inferior legal status, but was probably a consequence of her customary role as mother and bearer of children, as well as the public role of the Egyptian husbands and sons who functioned as the executors of the mortuary cults of their deceased parents. It was the traditional role of the good son to bury his parents, support their funerary cult, to bring offerings regularly to the tombs, and to recite the offering formula. Because women are not regularly depicted doing this in Egyptian art, they probably did not often assume this role. When a man died without a surviving son to preserve his name and present offerings, then it was his brother who was often depicted in the art doing so. Perhaps because it was the males who were regularly entrusted with this important religious task, that they held the primary position in public life. As far as occupations go, in the textual sources upper class woman are occasionally described as holding an office, and thus they might have executed real jobs. Clearly, though, this phenomenon was more prevalent in the Old Kingdom than in later periods (perhaps due to the lower population at that time). In Wentes publication of Egyptian letters, he notes that of 353 letters known from Egypt, only 13 provide evidence of women functioning with varying degrees of administrative authority. On of the most exalted administrative titles of any woman who was not a queen was held by a non-royal women named Nebet during the Sixth Dynasty, who was entitled, Vizier, Judge and Magistrate. She was the wife of the nomarch of Coptos and grandmother of King Pepi I. However, it is possible that the title was merely honorific and granted to her posthumously. Through the length of Egyptian history, we see many titles of women which seem to reflect real administrative authority, including one woman entitled, Second Prophet (i.e. High Priest) of Amun at the temple of Karnak, which was, otherwise, a male office. Women could and did hold male administrative positions in Egypt. However, such cases are few, and thus appear to be the exceptions to tradition. Given the relative scarcity of such, they might reflect extraordinary individuals in unusual circumstances. Women functioned as leaders, e.g., kings, dowager queens and regents, even as usurpers of rightful heirs, who were either their step-sons or nephews. We find women as nobility and landed gentry managing both large and small estates, e.g., the lady Tchat who started as overseer of a nomarchs household with a son of middling status; married the nomarch; was elevated, and her son was also raised in status. Women functioned as middle class housekeepers, servants, fieldhands, and all manner of skilled workers inside the household and in estate-workshops. Women could also be national heroines in Egypt. Extraordinary cases include: Queen Ahhotep of the early Eighteenth Dynasty. She was renowned for saving Egypt during the wars of liberation against the Hyksos, and she was praised for rallying the Egyptian tro

College Candy Making Success That Much Sweeter Essay -- Drugs

As the saying goes, â€Å"Desperate times call for desperate measures.† American college students of the 21st century have been forcefully subjected to highly competitive environments due to a multitude of external factors. As of late, the prescription drug, Adderall has become the drug of choice for ambitious college students, and has earned the title of being today’s college candy and academic steroid. First introduced and approved by the U.S. FDA, Adderall became the common treatment for those suffering from ADHD and narcolepsy. The drug is considered a schedule II stimulant, falling in the same category as cocaine and codeine due to its addictive nature (Tran). Nicknamed â€Å"addy† by college students, Adderall and its effects have been proven to be advantageous to many seeking to maximize work productivity; the drug keeps students energized and engaged in their studies for hours on end (N.S.). As reported by the U.S. Department of Human Health and Human Se rvices, â€Å"among persons aged 18 to 22, full-time college students were twice as likely to use Adderall non-medically in the past year as those who had not been in college at all or were only part-time students† (U.S.). What essentially persuades a college student to take Adderall non-medically? A student’s competitive environment may be an influential factor. The issue of Adderall abuse among college campuses is concerning due to the dangerous short and long term effects in which many of its users are unaware of. An analysis of Adderall usage among college students will be performed in order to determine what can be done to prevent Adderall abuse in college students. Upon examination, it was found that the competitive nature of college campuses in California is resultant of both ec... ...Health and Human Services, 7 Apr. 2009. Print. 02 Dec. 2011. Anonymous. â€Å"Adderall Abuse on College Campuses.† Personal Interview. 22 Nov. 2011. Tranh, Pharmacist Lam. â€Å"Adderall Abuse on College Campuses.† E-mail Interview. 19 Nov. 2011. Mai, Cassandra. "Adderall Abuse on College Campuses." Personal interview. 19 Nov. 2011. Moore, Elaine A. The Amphetamine Debate: the Use of Adderall, Ritalin, and Related Drugs for Behavior Modification, Neuroenhancement, and Anti-aging Purposes. Jefferson, NC: McFarland &, 2011. Print. N.S. "Prescription Stimulants Are Big on Campus." Science News.169.21 (2006): 334. JSTOR. Web. 20 Nov. 2011. Rampell, Catherine. "Many With New College Degree Find the Job Market Humbling." New York Times [New York] 18 May 2011. Print. "U.S. Approval for Adderall XR to Treat Adults† - MedNews. 18 Aug. 2011. JSTOR. Web. 01 Dec. 2011.

Eternal Life Essays -- Essays Papers

Eternal Life 1 Is there life after death? In Kate Chopin’s â€Å"The Story of an Hour,† Mrs. Mallard â€Å"is drinking the elixir of life through her open window.† It is possible that this very elixir provides Mrs. Mallard with her freedom through eternal life. Through Chopin’s use of characterization, conflict, and symbols, the author reveals the theme that like Mrs. Mallard, some people can achieve freedom through eternal life. [Does "eternal life" here mean life after death, or, as in "Dr. Heidegger's Experiment," life without death? The basic problem with this essay is that it overlooks the primary point of the story -- Louise glimpses freedom as a result of the death of her husband, and then loses that freedom with the realization that he is still alive. It is a story of "an hour" because Louise has only an hour of freedom. Although the writer of this essay makes a valiant attempt to support the thesis, there really is not enough religious (or moral) symbol ism, etc. to support it.] 2 Chopin’s physical and emotional characterization of Louise suggests the woman is experiencing a spiritual encounter that includes the possibility of eternal life. Early in the story, Chopin uses characterization to describe Mrs. Mallard’s physical condition, noting that she has â€Å"heart trouble† (12); this description foreshadows her death, [i.e. not eternal life] which will take place later in the store [story]. [Isn't it also symbolic?] The author illustrates that Mrs. Mallard is physically exhausted by writing that when she hears the news of her husband’s supposed death, she sinks into a â€Å"comfortable, roomy armchair . . . quite motionless with her head thrown back† (12). Chopin goes on to write that Louise experiences â€Å"physical exhaustion that haunted her body and seemed to reach into her a soul† (12), which allows the reader to see that something is taking place within her both physically and emotionally. [This paragr aph demosntrates that "something is taking place," but not that it relates to eternal life.] 3 The author also describes Mrs. Mallard as feeling â€Å"young, with a fair, calm face, whose lines bespoke repression and even a certain strength† (12)-- the strength of God. [What suggests that it is the strength of God, and not just a personal strength of her own?] From the statement â€Å"now her bosom rose and fell tumultuously† (12), the reader can sens... ...new freedom?] Her â€Å"moment of illumination† (the true light) signifies her soul is now saved. She even breathes a â€Å"quick prayer† (13), which is symbolic of her quest for a divine intervention and repentance[.] (s[S]he is totally and completely engulfed with the presence of God). [No, what was she praying for? A long (not eternal) life.] One of Mrs. Mallard’s last actions is to rise (resurrection action) â€Å"at length and [open] the door† (the gateway to her salvation). In addition, the author provides the reader with the words â€Å"joy that kills† (13), the joy is symbolic of her freedom and â€Å"that kills† is symbolic of her eternal life. [CS -1] [Why would "that kills" be symbolic of "eternal life"?] These words provide the reader with an understanding that a human being must experience death to receive eternal life. Louise has found her freedom through eternal life. 9 Louise’s figurative elixir of life is the foreshadowing [?] that Chopin uses in the story to express Louise’s freedom through eternal life. In regards to past readings, Nathaniel Hawthorne’s Dr. Heidegger’s Experiment, [Title] the elixir is both literally and symbolically a recipe for immortality or eternal life.

Fashion Trends in the Fifties Essay -- Fashion Retail Merchandising Es

Fashion Trends in the Fifties â€Å"It was different in the USA, where wartime restrictions had been quickly removed, and where the new ‘consumer society’ was forging ahead – helped by new developments such as the start of the credit card system in 1950. But these differing conditions produced a similar effect on fashion both in Europe and America – a tendency to prefer the safe and normal, a veering away from the radical and extreme. ‘Normal’ felt good, especially with the memory of the war still so fresh in many people’s minds† (Baker 6). Fashion is an important aspect to people’s lives, and is influenced by various parts of society. Sometimes there are practical reasons behind certain fashion trends, but there are some trends that have no apparent origin or purpose. Fashion can also influence other parts of popular or high culture, including music. â€Å"Rock n’ roll,† the music of the 1950’s, displayed young people’ s (17-25 year-olds) interest in clothes, as heard in such pop tracks as â€Å"White Sports Coat† and â€Å"Blue Suede Shoes† (Baker 12). Regardless of purpose or origin, â€Å"style [in the 1950’s] often meant super luxury, whether it was the use of lots of shiny chrome or lace, shimmering with sequins† (Baker 11). During the 1950’s, style was not only a portrayal of one’s sense of fashion – it was a portrayal of who you were. In the 1950’s, the role of a woman was to be in the home, and particularly in the kitchen. â€Å"Yet the usual media image of a housewife showed her not as a mother in comfortable trousers and sweater, or loose dress, suitable for such work, but as a doll-like figure dressed in rustling, full skirts, nipped waist and narrow-fitting bodice. Even her apron had deep frills and a heart-shaped top and pocke... ...er vests and chinos as leisurewear, then people were that much closer to being â€Å"normal.† Works Cited - Baker, Patricia. Fashions of a Decade: the 1950s. New York: Facts on File, Inc., 1991. An edition of a series that illustrates the most influential trends in twentieth- century fashion. Focuses on fashion as an integral part in the arts, technology, politics, and society. - Stott, Jon C., Raymond E. Jones, and Rick Bowers, eds. The Harbrace Anthology of Literature 2nd ed. Toronto: Harcourt Canada Ltd., 1998. An anthology of various literature, ranging from poetry, to prose, to plays. - Unknown Author. â€Å"Fashion 50s.† Yesterdayland Web Site. 2000. http://www.yeaterdayland.com/popopedia/shows/fashion/ (17 Mar. 2002). A web-site showcasing fashion trends throughout the decades of the twentieth-century.

First Day of School

First day of school When I woke up that morning I thought my life was going to end. The summer was over and it was the first day of school. I didn't go to sleep the night before because I had a lot on my mind, but I had to get my tired self up and get ready. I laid my clothes out the night before and I had out a cross necklace some cross earrings a blue shirt and some khaki shorts. So after I got dressed and got in the car I begged and pleaded with my mama not to make me go. But I still came, when I first got to school I was terrified I didn't know anybody and I was new.Not a good combination but I had to get out of the car so I did and I was lost for a while but I found my class shortly. I walked in to a room full of people and it was hot and dark the only light was from the colorful lamps and the computers,there were computers everywhere. I was the tallest one in the class like I always am I felt like people were talking about me I was scared and didn't want to be there at all I wa nted to call my mom and tell her that is was not going to work to come get me immediately. Before I got around to that the bell rung and it was time for class to start.So I sat down and in the comer where my seat was and just cried for almost the entire class. I didn't want to be there I felt like no body else wanted me to be there either. I had just went through a lot and I broke my wrist the week before so my heart and my and my mind was just not there. I couldn't stop crying I was depressed and lonely ,but class was about to end so I had to dry my tears up and keep it moving because I knew the day was almost over. I felt my day couldn't get any worse and it didn't. This time I ended up in a very bright room and all the people seemed really happy.It was bibles under the desks and posters talking about Jesus and encouragement all over the room. This lifted my sprit and I wasn't so sad anymore and people started to talk to me and wanted to know about who I was and they wanted to bec ome my friend. At first I was very reluctant to talk but I became comfortable and I made new friends. I was happy about this I had some good news to go home and tell my mom. But after getting to know my new friends I had to leave them and go to my last class of the day but I was happy that it was my last class.I walked in and it was math class. I hate math was never good at it but I was I'm there and I dreaded it but I found another new friend that became my best friend her name was sam and we clicked instantly we were both new and we didn't know any body. That made me the happiest of all I wasn't alone anymore there was someone just like me. So that made math not so bad. I got through it and it was time to go home. My day started out bad but it ended ok and I wanted to come back the next day because I knew it would only get better.

Anorexia Nervosa cannot be satisfactorily accounted for by any single model of abnormality

Anorexia is a condition disputed by psychologists in attempts to find a cause for the problem. Anorexia is when an individual chooses to emaciate themselves in order to be thin. There are two main types of reasoning behind such behaviour. The biological and psychological explanation. Of course, there are many forms of branched out explanations within these, and the two of which that I shall be exploring are the genetic justification (in terms of biological) and the behaviourist approach, for the psychological relation. Biological psychologists believe that human behaviour and what makes us do what we do, is all down to genes. With the new advance in recent science, genes are becoming a more popular reasoning to many psychological issues. Anorexia nervosa for one. The genetic approach proclaims that the cause for anorexia is to do with genes: i.e. the genetic and inherited factors we have within our relations. The idea is that should one family member suffer from an eating disorder, then there is a higher chance that another family member (preferably those who share the same, or like genes) would contract an eating, or another obsessive-compulsive disorder. Holland et al, a group of psychologists, lead a study on the genetic link of anorexia nervosa in 1984. They perused a sample of 34 pairs of twins and one set of triplets, where at least one twin in each pair suffered from anorexia. They found a higher concordance rate of 55% for the 16 monozygotic twins (who share 100% of the same genes) than for the 14 pairs of dizygotic twins, (who share 50% of the same genes) with a concordance rate of only 7%. The results, in imprecise terms, suggested that there was a genetic link between family members suffering from anorexia nervosa. But on closer examination of the study, we can find many other reasons, which may not be genetic, for these findings. For example, the sample amount was very small. This is a major flaw in any experiment, as the sample size often needs to a representative size, which can be extended to the whole of society, but 35 pairs of twins is an extremely small amount. Furthermore, the environmental influences were not considered in this experiment, and so the higher concordance rates for the monozygotic twins could be because they are treated more alike than the dizygotic twins. This is part of behaviourism of which I shall study later on. In terms of reasonability, the genetic link between family members suffering from anorexia seems to be weak. Though it can be part of the reason or perhaps only accurate for only a very few, it cannot be wholly responsible for everyone who suffers from this eating disorder. A problem with this reasoning as being the â€Å"answer† is that there is then no blame of self. Because the condition is ‘purely' biological, the individual is then rendered hopeless and vulnerable to the disorder, as they are not in control of what is in their genes. It can also provide an ‘excuse' so that the subject is unable, or unwilling to become better. Psychologically, behaviourists look at how the environment and outside influences have shaped and created an individual. Predominantly in western cultures, the size of â€Å"beauty† in terms of celebrity and media has dramatically decreased in the last couple of decades. Marilyn Monroe, said to be one of the most beautiful woman of the time was a dress size 14. As the years gone by, we find that the dress size of â€Å"beauty† has gone down, and now, catwalk models are size 8's and lower. It seems that the more rich and advanced we become, the higher our standards are, for skinnier people. The media is a major factor in influencing the ordinary people of our society. Behaviourists believe that this is one of the main causes for people (particularly those with lower self-esteem) to develop eating disorders, in order to become more like the person in the magazine. Because of this, people are often seen as ‘beautiful' when they are thin. This puts pressure on people who perhaps may have been teased and felt self-conscious about their self-image. Once the individual begins to lose weight, it is often found that the criticism stops, and compliments are received in its place. This can then become a habit, and is known as â€Å"Classical conditioning†. They learn to associate being thin with feeling good about themselves. â€Å"Operant conditioning† happens when the praise and admiration from others reinforces their eating habits and causes them to want to lose more weight. This form of explanation is very logical in certain aspects, but there are a few things that, should this theory be true, does not correspond appropriately. For example, once the sufferer begins to lose too much weight and is then the cause for concern, why is it that once the compliments stop, the sufferer still desires to lose weight? The compliments were associated to feeling good and losing weight. The compliments are no longer there, and so one would assume the feeling good should have dissolved, and due to operant conditioning, the sufferer would learn to break the habit. It is true that operant does sometimes work on promoting weight gain in some people, by if this concept was accurate, then why doesn't everyone with anorexia respond in the same way? â€Å"Anorexia Nervosa cannot be satisfactorily accounted for by any single model of abnormality† It is true that anorexia cannot be the result of one cause, as we have looked at two versions of reasoning behind the condition and both explanations still leave gaps where logic or situation does not fit. Each explanation gives a valid justification to anorexia, but the problem still cannot be solved by one account of psychology. The answer may be that it is a mixture of perhaps several models of abnormality, but the fact is that anorexia nervosa is too complex and too different in every case to be the epitome of one explanation.